President impeachment motion approved...Yoon, "I won't give up".

■ Host: Lee Yeo-jin, anchor Jang Won-seok
■ Starring: Kim Ki-heung, former presidential office spokesman, Park Won-seok, former lawmaker of the Justice Party

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News Special] when quoting.

[Anchor]
The impeachment motion of Yoon Suk Yeol's president crossed the National Assembly with 204 votes in favor with all lawmakers in attendance. It seems that at least 23 votes have left the ruling party. President Yoon Suk Yeol expressed his position, saying, "I will never give up." In the future, I will join Kim Ki-heung, a spokesman for the former presidential office, and Park Won-seok, a former lawmaker of the Justice Party. Please come in. Now, 12 votes voted for impeachment from the power of the people. Including invalidity and abstention, 23 people did not vote against it. How did you like it?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Actually, I abstained on this and the invalidity is 11 votes, right? When this was for or against, the party's theory of people's power was the rejection of impeachment. If so, you can oppose the method for rejection. You can abstain or invalidate it. So if the so-called breakaway expression is correct, there are 12 leave votes. So, what I think about this is that when martial law was declared, 18 people lifted martial law when representative Han Dong-hoon said he would block it with the people because it was more unconstitutional and illegal than anyone else. And during the recent floor leader election process, candidate Kim Tae-ho spoke of his approval for impeachment. That's when we got 34 votes. Compared to the 34 votes and the 18 votes mentioned earlier, and if representative Han Dong-hoon openly asked me to vote for it, but in fact, 12 votes came out, I would like to say that leadership did not work in the section of representative Han Dong-hoon's story. I went to Gwanghwamun and Yeouido today, but many people were for and against it. So, I personally think that this point where the president is impeached is actually a situation that shouldn't be repeated in a way, right? It can be seen as a serious and sad reality in a way. So, the opposition says it's a political victory, but I think we won, we lost. Not from this point of view, but in a way, the president can fight at the Constitutional Court because he was held politically responsible. In the end, I think it is more important for the ruling and opposition parties to give people's livelihoods and a sense of stability in the Republic of Korea.

[Anchor]
How did you see the results of today's vote?

[Park Won-seok]
So, 11 days after the emergency martial law incident, the impeachment was carried out by the National Assembly. I think the impeachment was carried out at the National Assembly today in accordance with the people's will because the people's shock felt by the people was great and the people's will was a threat and challenge to the unacceptable constitutional system. I think the votes for approval and rejection within the ruling party came out slightly different than expected. Until just before the vote, these prospects were dominant, but I can't help but feel that the thoughts of the people's power lawmakers are very far from those of the majority of the people. Even in this situation, I think that the fact that 85 lawmakers of the People's Power expressed their opposition will not be able to escape the stigma of being a party that sympathizes with the civil war. Representative Han Dong-hoon said he would block it with the people because it is unconstitutional and illegal martial law right after the declaration of martial law, but I think he lost a lot of leadership inside and outside the party as representative Han Dong-hoon showed signs of going back and forth. The number of lawmakers classified as close to the party is estimated to be more than 20, but even those 20 were found to be not in favor of impeachment, making it very difficult to exercise leadership. According to the breaking news a little while ago, the Supreme Council members resigned and the Han Dong-hoon leadership system will be virtually turned into an emergency committee system. The ruling party has accepted this result again in eight years anyway, and I think it's time to think deeply about how to overcome this political crisis.

[Anchor]
As you said now, all the elected supreme council members have expressed their intention to resign. The General Assembly of the People's Power is underway. Han Dong-hoon said he would not resign, but wouldn't this lead to the collapse of the Han Dong-hoon system and the emergency committee system?

[Kim Gi-heung]
So, if four of the five elected supreme council members resign, the leadership will naturally be disbanded. From that point of view, I don't know what CEO Han Dong-hoon specifically said. However, since this situation is severe as a representative of the ruling party, I think I should feel some responsibility. So, even if you say that you have delivered a clearer message about martial law than anyone else, if the president was impeached under the current series of circumstances, in my opinion, the new floor leader Kwon Sung-dong will assume his position. I said it would be nice to take that position and go through the process of getting some confidence through a general meeting of the members or through a vote of all the members. When representative Han Dong-hoon talked about the aspect of responsibility, he said that if I leave, this will become a martial law advocacy party. However, I am explicitly opposed to martial law, although the public may disagree with me. But I don't think impeachment is the only answer to the way this political situation is solved. Because there was a situation 8 years ago, right? I was just swept away at the same time. The regime has changed, but has my life really improved? Is Korea any better? Or wasn't it demonized to acknowledge each other as the camp became entrenched and people poured into the streets? That's why there's a series of situations where the Democratic Party of Korea is now trying to call for impeachment and bring down the president five months after the presidential election. Of course, I can never agree on the part where the president used martial law like this. Therefore, despite the gap between martial law and impeachment, I think this is the only answer and in reality, someone can be advantageous when the early presidential election is held, which is a reality. From that point of view, I think it's too much to say that impeachment is the only answer and that if you leave, the current party will become a martial law sympathizing party.

[Anchor]
After the impeachment bill was passed, representative Han Dong-hoon revealed that floor leader Kwon Sung-dong was quite angry and asked representative Han Dong-hoon to resign as representative. Regarding the transition to the emergency committee system, I asked you to wait and see, but will this inevitably be settled in the future by floor leader Kwon Sung-dong?

[Park Won-seok]
If floor leader Kwon Sung-dong steps down now, there will be a leadership vacuum. Didn't floor leader Kwon Sung-dong get elected yesterday? I believe that the background of that election was to be elected, keeping in mind that we could switch to an emergency committee system when this situation came. It is expected that there will be an emergency committee system centered on floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, and how legitimate the system will be in the public's eyes? So, it seems that lawmakers of the people's power and members of the people's power are now immersed in their own gender. I'm talking about the impeachment trauma eight years ago, but it wasn't the trauma of the people or the disorder that the people felt. It was the trauma of the party, the disorder of the party, and what was swept away at the time was that the party collapsed and was swept away by the pro-Park members who still defended former President Park Geun Hye despite the impeachment. I think it's the same now. It's not just an emergency martial law crisis, it's a civil war. Martial law forces with guns stormed the National Assembly, tried to paralyze the normal authority of the National Assembly, and it was systematically and systematically. It has even been revealed that the president has repeatedly instructed martial law forces to enter the National Assembly and bring down lawmakers. Even in the face of this situation, saying that impeachment is not allowed because it can still be advantageous to any candidate of the other party based on party politics and the regime can be transferred, even though you don't know the will of the people, and the party of people's power is sticking to their own interests rather than putting the people first or working ahead of the people and the interests of the country. I think it's enough to give this impression. So, we will discuss future solutions through the parliamentary assembly from the power of the people, but I think it will be a hopeless party if we discuss such solutions as who will have power within the small party.

[Anchor]
Earlier, there were predictions that 34 people who took pictures of Kim Tae-ho in the election of the People's Power floor leader would turn to the approval of impeachment, but there were fewer votes to leave. With only 12 votes, can Han Dong-hoon run for the next presidential election in this situation?

[Kim Gi-heung]
That's how I am. I don't think we're discussing any specific mistakes of CEO Han Dong-hoon. So, the serious situation that the president was impeached because he was the leader of the ruling party. Then isn't there a series of moral and political responsibilities? In that case, you can talk about your responsibilities in a big way and take on a certain position. From there, you can talk about specific things at the general meeting of the members through such a process. But I don't back down on this. I'm fine, and I'll be very honest with you even if you do this. Between representative Han Dong-hoon and the president, who can deny it? Of course, you can criticize the wrongdoings. And it can be differentiated. But aren't you responsible for the situation? I'm talking about it in that respect. Why don't you see it here in a big way and if I admit my responsibility, I'll be kicked out. Jin Jong-oh, the best, and Jang Dong-hyuk, the best, resigned now. It's not a way to bring this down. And recently, Kwon Sung-dong, the new floor leader, met with In Yo-han's best and told him not to resign. I don't know if it's a show or authentic, but isn't it embarrassing to raise your face when this is the case? Then what is the leader of the party? If the president does something wrong, he's also responsible. Isn't political responsibility going through the process of impeachment? If so, if representative Han Dong-hoon wants to become president, then you should think big. I don't insist on being the party leader here, but if I admit responsibility in a big frame of thinking, then I have a chance. I don't know why I'm so obsessed with this.

[Anchor]
Wait a minute, I'm sorry. We'll connect you to the site.

[Kwon Seong-dong / People's Power Floor Leader: I'm sorry. Both pro-impeachment and anti-impeachment citizens love the country. It's just that the method is different. It's really heartbreaking to repeat the painful history of Korea. Now is the time for the Constitutional Court because the impeachment motion has been passed. We look forward to fair decisions in accordance with the procedures set by the Constitution and laws. In order to restore the daily lives of the people, the ruling and opposition parties should also avoid extreme confrontation. There are a number of problems, such as improving external credibility and stabilizing people's livelihoods. Now, an acting authority system will be launched. I hope the Democratic Party doesn't abuse the impeachment of ministers or paralyze state affairs with legislative dictatorship. That's about it. ]

[Anchor]
You heard the remarks of Kwon Sung-dong, the new floor leader of the People's Power. It hurts to repeat the painful history. And it's time for the Constitutional Court. He said he expects a fair decision. Let's listen to Acting President Han Deok-soo's announcement now.

[Han Deok-soo / Prime Minister: The presidential impeachment motion was voted on by the National Assembly today. As a person in charge of state affairs, I feel responsible for this unfortunate situation and bow my head to the people. At this moment, the most important mission is to stabilize the chaos of state affairs as soon as possible.]

[Anchor]
After the impeachment bill was passed today, an extraordinary cabinet meeting was scheduled to be convened and the meeting presided over by the prime minister. It was all related remarks. If you get a message in a little while, we'll connect to the site and deliver it right away. Didn't floor leader Kwon Sung-dong say a little while ago that it's time for the Constitutional Court? How will it flow from now on? What procedures will you go through?

[Park Won-seok]
First of all, the Constitutional Court's deliberation will begin, and when I saw the news briefly on the way, Moon Hyung-bae, acting president of the Constitutional Court, expressed his position that he would proceed with the trial process quickly. The number of judges in the Constitutional Court is nine, but there are three vacancies. So, it was recommended by the National Assembly because it was recommended by the National Assembly, but the appointment process has not yet proceeded. First of all, I think it should be prioritized to appoint three vacant constitutional judges. Of course, deliberations can be made under the six-member system, but it is difficult to make a decision and there will be controversy over the legitimacy of the decision, so it seems that the vacancy of the judges should be supplemented quickly. But can the acting president appoint it? There's also a question like this. However, since this is up to the National Assembly's recommendation, the president has little discretion. It's just a formal appointment, so I don't think there will be any problem with the appointment. In that case, it will be deliberated in accordance with the Constitutional Court Act for up to 180 days, and two constitutional judges will finish their terms by April 19 next year. The two constitutional judges are recommended by the president. Therefore, if a vacancy occurs without completing this deliberation at that time, the acting authority should appoint it, and there will be controversy. This is because the authority of the acting president is formally delegated to all the powers of the president, but the exercise of authority beyond the status quo is bound to be controversial. So I think it will be concluded before April 19th next year.

[Anchor]
If you look more closely at what the floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said a little while ago, I hope that a fair decision will be made in accordance with the procedures set by the Constitution. In order to restore the daily lives of the people, the ruling and opposition parties should also avoid extreme confrontation, but I can't help but think of the past case again. The ruling party split more than a month after the impeachment motion of former President Park Geun Hye was passed. At the time, pro-impeachment lawmakers left the party. One of them is Kwon Sung-dong, the current floor leader, and how does the party predict such a split-up procedure this time?

[Kim Gi-heung]
I don't think there will be any Bundang. The reason is that representative Han Dong-hoon is not a member of the National Assembly right now. And I think there is something I respect and agree with about CEO Han Dong-hoon's message or such. However, there are a lot of procedural defects in this regard as to whether you shared your thoughts with the party members. So it's very important to have a general meeting of lawmakers. It's a process of collecting a certain middle finger. But what's the most problematic thing when the president talks about various martial law? Isn't it a procedure? So, the president can be dissatisfied with the opposition's constant special prosecution and impeachment. It's very frustrating for me, too. However, even so, whether it is a strong card that you have, whether it is a requirement for activation in the process. And isn't the process of so-called promiscuity of the national constitution an issue? If so, CEO Han Dong-hoon also has to collect his middle fingers, and the other is that most of the so-called closeness people are proportional. Proportional representatives should be expelled when they leave when they are divided, but the power of the people should give two-thirds approval at the parliamentary assembly. Who would you say you like? I won't do it. And most of all, isn't the leadership of today's situation 12 votes? There are 20 people who think they are close, but they got 12 votes. Seven people asked for a position publicly, but the fact that five plus votes came out is that representatives of the People's Power did not put weight on Han Dong-hoon's remarks and such actions. The second is that we actually have past experience. Was the Saenuri Party the Bareun Party after impeachment? Isn't it differentiated into the Bareun Party? After that, he lost the presidential election, the general election, and the local election, so when was the card to fight back? It was a by-election in 2021. In the process, I became very devastated. From that point of view, it is clearly visible through past experiences. And above all, there is no possibility of division at the moment in terms of clear limitations as an out-of-house representative and failure to properly implement any leadership. So, some raise the president's issue in terms of the current popular power's declining approval rating, but the discord between the president and representative Han Dong-hoon, and the two people's trust cannot be restored. Of course, the president will be responsible, but representative Han Dong-hoon said he knew the president well after 20 years, but did he know it properly? There is a strong criticism about whether he thought about it as he thought. Therefore, it cannot be predicted at this time, but I don't think there is a possibility of division for the time being.

[Anchor]
With the suspension of the president's duties, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo will now take over as acting president, right? Yesterday, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong asked President Yoon to exercise his right to request reconsideration on six bills. If this happens, will acting Han Deok-soo exercise his right to request reconsideration? What do you think?

[Park Won-seok]
That can be an issue. Formally, the acting president can also exercise his or her authority because he or she takes over all the powers of the president, including the right to command the military. However, as I said earlier, it is difficult for the acting president to exercise his powers beyond the status quo of the presidency anyway. In the past, there have been cases in which former Prime Minister Hwang Kyo-ahn exercised his veto power when he was acting as an acting president and former Prime Minister Ko Gun was acting as an acting president. Former Prime Minister Goh Kun vetoed three bills, but the difference between now and then was that there was no such civil war. In addition, in the case of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo, he is being pointed out as a co-conspirator or a helper of civil war by attending the State Council, and he is also a suspect and is subject to investigation. In this state, it is practically difficult to exercise authority beyond the status quo, and the controversy will be very large. Therefore, it is difficult to actively exercise such authority to veto a bill passed by the National Assembly, I believe. If Prime Minister Han Deok-soo tries to exercise such authority, it is very likely that the prime minister's impeachment will be discussed again in the National Assembly and there is no justification. This is the emergency martial law, the accomplice of the civil war, and the helper. And because the investigative agency is also booked as a suspect, it is not without impeachment requirements. Therefore, the National Assembly is the only institution with legitimacy right now in order for Prime Minister Han Deok-soo to stabilize state affairs in the future as acting president. I think it is a situation in which we have no choice but to conduct state administration while consulting with the ruling and opposition parties while respecting the will of the National Assembly.

[Anchor]
Then, will the Special Prosecutor's Law and the Special Prosecutor's Law for Insurrection be passed without exercising the right to request reconsideration, what will happen?

[Kim Gi-heung]
I think Acting President Han Deok-soo should do his job. This doesn't work as one person, but systematically, the Republic of Korea should be maintained. That's why he suspended the president's authority and delegated it to Prime Minister Han Deok-soo. If so, it was done according to the Constitution under the law and some institution and system. But what do you do and what don't you do? However, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo was the prime minister of this government, the government of Yoon Suk Yeol. For example, during the grand government questioning, he spoke strongly about his position and the position of the Yoon Suk Yeol government on various opposition bills. For example, isn't there a grain method? Our rice consumption has decreased a lot. However, it is said that if you produce rice for that part, you will keep it at a certain price. Then it costs trillions of won. It gives you rice consumption. If so, we need to switch to an alternative crop. But the purpose of the Democratic Party of Korea's grain law is to do it because farmers want it, so whose money is the tax? In the end, I think it's a natural task to think about your stance on the state's budget or a bill with biased opinions on one side and express your opposition if it doesn't fit any philosophy and stance of the Yoon Suk Yeol government beyond your own.

[Anchor]
Representative Park talked about the Constitutional Court judge earlier, but there is a controversy over the related appointment rights.

[Kim Gi-heung]
That's why it's like this. From the opposition's point of view, they want us to do that again. Isn't it so? There are six constitutional judges now. Then, there is a recommendation from President Yoon Suk Yeol. There is also one person that Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae did. Aren't you a so-called conservative person? If so, all six of the six must agree to be cited. But from the perspective of the Democratic Party of Korea, I think it was recommended belatedly. Then, the power of the people is also given one. Since it's disadvantageous, I'm going to appoint a constitutional judge to normalize something. By the way, ask for an appointment and don't do the rest of the veto? You can't do this with a grain of salt. In the end, there is only one reference point for state administration to operate. I believe that the people's livelihood and the Republic of Korea should be consistent in preparing for the future, not the present, by considering it comprehensively, and I sympathized very much with the State Council members and the Prime Minister who attended the Cabinet meeting. I'm against such a frame. It's only about the part that the police investigated and came out clearly. The level of suspicion and that is the frame of the opposition. Who raises cattle if you impeach them by talking about all those things? So, in reality, the opposition party's impeachment should have the meaning of checks in the end, but isn't it not checks but holding their feet at all? What do you think you can do in the state of Anomie?

[Park Won-seok]
I think I need to give my opinion on this. It's not a frame, it's been booked by the investigative agency. We've launched a forced investigation. It's very wrong to say it in a frame. In the end, it is not a civil war without acknowledging the unconstitutionality and illegality of that emergency martial law. In this position, it seems that there are still many people who are strong in the people. It's very far from what the people think, and the exercise of authority by the acting authority is like that. You can't actively exercise your authority. The exercise of authority in a passive range, the exercise of authority under the status quo, and how many unfortunate things have happened in our constitutional history of past presidents? It's a precedent for the exercise of authority. The Constitutional Court, recommended by the National Assembly, should just be appointed, with no room for the discretion of the President to intervene. The president can't change people. It's a matter of appointment, but rejecting laws passed by the National Assembly, such as the veto, is a matter of the active exercise of the president's authority. I don't think that's an exercise of authority that an acting authority can do. And to have the continuity of our constitutional system rejects legislation passed by the National Assembly? That doesn't make sense. Although Prime Minister Han Deok-soo is the prime minister of this government, he is now the acting president who took over the constitution. However, due to the nature of this illegal martial law and civil war, in the end, we cannot help but respect the will of the National Assembly. Who can allow a prime minister involved in it to exercise his or her powers of state at will?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Can I just say something? I'm not saying to ignore the National Assembly and unilaterally abuse the right to veto and request reconsideration. That's actually the case when you need it. Regarding the grain law and various controversial bills beyond the ruling and opposition parties, I should express my position on such matters, and the right to request reconsideration is to demand reconsideration from the National Assembly by a two-thirds vote. If it passes from there, won't it pass? That is why it is another form of respect for the will of the National Assembly.

[Anchor]
Then, do you think that in addition to the grain management law, the Kim Special Prosecutor Act and the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act should exercise the right to request reconsideration?

[Kim Gi-heung]
I'll take a lot of consideration in that regard. There are parts that are done from the public's perspective, and in fact, they have been impeached. With impeachment, there will be a legal dispute at the Constitutional Court now, and the president says he will go out and talk more than anyone else. And I am the current police, the current prosecution, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and the permanent special prosecutor. I'm working hard in four places right now. What authority do many people think the president has now that he can't investigate? I think it's going to be too much. So even if the special prosecutor passes, I don't think there will be much content for the special prosecutor to investigate. From that point of view, are you blocking the special prosecutor in the current situation or not? It doesn't mean much.

[Anchor]
Will the president come forward after the impeachment motion is passed at the National Assembly today? I was also curious about that, but I expressed my position that I wouldn't give up. We'll listen to the voices related to it and talk about it.


[President: Seeing the National Assembly's impeachment motion passed today reminded me of June 29, 2021, when I first declared my participation in politics. Liberal democracy and the rule of law in this country was broken. I'm frustrated that the efforts so far won't go in vain. I am pausing now, but the journey to the future that I have walked with the people for the past two and a half years should never stop. I will never give up. ]

[Anchor]
Since President Yoon made a long statement for 20 minutes the day before yesterday, there were different opinions on whether he would make another public statement today. How did you see it?

[Park Won-seok]
Well, even if you make a statement, it's short in writing, so I respect that, and the result is because the impeachment was done in the National Assembly anyway. Then, I thought the acting president would make a position to quickly stabilize the state affairs, but I will do my best until the end. There is still nothing that has changed from the perspective of the people watching it by issuing such a statement that emphasizes their will very much. There are no reflections, no reflections, no regrets. And in the end, I only felt that I would claim my legitimacy until the end through the Constitutional Court procedure. I think the power of the people will be more embarrassed. And in the process of the Constitutional Court proceedings in the future, what I have already heard is that I will attend my own defense and even request a live broadcast. I heard that. Of course, I don't know if it will happen. However, when such a situation is exposed to the public, President Yoon may be able to end immediately after the Constitutional Court is finished, but the party that produced President Yoon will continue to hold elections and receive support from the public, so shouldn't the president naturally organize his party's affiliation? I think this will come out.

[Anchor]
The spokesman stopped the journey for a while. It must never stop. I won't give up. What intentions and what messages did you see?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Didn't I say the president doesn't shy away from political and legal responsibility? Political responsibility has been granted by the National Assembly impeachment today. If so, I think it would be nice if you said that you take the judgment of the National Assembly seriously as a president in a series of situations like this. However, didn't you say you would have a legal dispute at the Constitutional Court? In that respect...

[Anchor]
Wait a minute, I'm sorry. There will be an announcement from the acting Prime Minister. Connect to the site.

[Han Deok-soo / Prime Minister: My fellow citizens, the impeachment motion of the President was passed by the National Assembly today. As Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea, I feel a heavy responsibility for the current situation and the entire process that led to it. I sincerely apologize to the people. My fellow citizens, what is most important now is that there should be no vacuum in the state affairs. The internal and external conditions facing the Republic of Korea are very difficult. Uncertainty in the economy and trade environment is growing. There is a lot of pain among ordinary people due to sluggish domestic demand. There are also growing concerns about the growing risk of the downturn. The public's anxiety and concern over the political situation are also very high. I would like to say that the government will do its best to overcome these difficulties and minimize the impact on the daily lives of the people. We will secure a strong security posture and manage foreign trust in a stable manner. The entire Cabinet will do its best to maintain trust between Korea, the U.S., Korea, Japan and our allies. We will do our best to ensure that the financial and foreign exchange markets operate smoothly by strengthening the emergency economic response system. We will establish a security order, come up with customized support measures for the vulnerable, and thoroughly prepare for various disasters. The government will first lower its stance and communicate closely with the National Assembly and get cooperation to maintain the trust of the international community and make the people feel safe. I sincerely ask all public officials as well. At this moment, the desperate task of normal and stable state administration lies ahead of us. It is an important task that you and I must work together to help the country overcome the crisis. As it is a serious situation, I believe that you will fulfill your responsibilities in your respective positions. Please play your role without neglect so that the government can operate without wavering. People. The Republic of Korea went through many crises such as the 1997 foreign exchange crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, but each time it became stronger, it happened. Our people have overcome the difficulties before us with united strength and wisdom. With the dedication of many people, democracy is working solidly in accordance with the Constitution, and the fundamentals of the economy remain solid. I believe that the current situation can surely be overcome through the mature democratic consciousness of the people who are the owners of the country and the responsible response of the government. We will make every effort to ensure stable state administration in accordance with the Constitution and laws so that the national security and the daily lives of the people are not shaken. I believe that it is the last duty and the most important duty of my long public life. I'll do my best. Thank you. ]

[Anchor]
You heard Han Deok-soo's first public statement as acting president. I feel a heavy responsibility. There should be no vacuum in state administration. We will do our best for normal and stable state administration, he said. You said that there is a lot of economic uncertainty at home and abroad, but do you think the uncertainty has been resolved by the approval of the impeachment bill today? Or do you think it's gotten bigger?

[Park Won-seok]
That's how you can see it. The uncertainty is the deadliest for the economy, but the approval of the impeachment reduced the uncertainty a little, so external credibility was very precarious. Anyway, if the acting president Lee enters the system and manages some stable state administration, I think we will be able to find stability little by little in that regard. Fortunately, acting Han Deok-soo has a lot of experience in public office. This is my second time as a prime minister, and since I served as a deputy prime minister for economy, I think it is fortunate that he expressed his willingness to communicate with the National Assembly and win cooperation in a low-key manner. Anyway, I hope you will make every effort to reorganize and organize various problems that are currently in disarray.

[Anchor]
Acting President Han Deok-soo also talked about establishing security order. In the security sector, the defense minister is vacant. In the security section, the head of the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency and the head of the police are now under arrest, so should I say that they have that in mind?

[Kim Gi-heung]
In that regard, don't you have the right to appoint as an acting authority? If we do that, it doesn't end for a month or two, right? There should be no gap in state affairs, but as the anchor said, there is no chief or deputy chief who can be called the head of security, and so is the defense minister. If so, I think that why don't the ruling and opposition parties reach an agreement and the acting president meet and be in such a necessary position? And shouldn't the confirmation hearing be passed again anyway? If so, the national cabinet is too big a category, but the ruling party also accepts the personnel recommended by the opposition party, so we have to make this part together. The president may be dismissed or cited through the judgment of the Constitutional Court. There are areas where early presidential elections may become a reality, but everything is an emergency now and don't think about creating new leadership then. Even now, in the process of solving the current problems one by one under the acting system, maintaining state administration, making Korea sustainable development, and becoming a people's livelihood, I think it is important to solve the problems from now on rather than being prepared and renewed later.

[Anchor]
If Acting President Han Deok-soo invokes the right to request reconsideration on the Special Prosecutor's Act or the Special Prosecutor's Act on Insurrection, can the opposition party propose impeachment? If that happens, will Choi Sang-moo, Deputy Prime Minister for Economy and Minister of Strategy and Finance take over as acting president?

[Park Won-seok]
I think it is also desirable for the stability of the political situation not to come in such a situation. I hope acting Han Deok-soo doesn't overdo it. As I have said, the goal of the acting president now is to maintain the status quo anyway. However, if you exercise your right to veto, which is an active exercise of authority, you will inevitably clash in the National Assembly, and the opposition party has an absolute majority of seats in the National Assembly, and the political situation can become unstable again when the acting president vetoes the bill passed by the opposition party's agreement. I think acting Han Deok-soo is well aware of this because he has been in public service for a long time, and I am worried about the vacant post that is now vacant by the police chief and the defense minister. However, both of those positions are important mission workers in the civil war, and the former minister or commissioner is in custody. Therefore, we have no choice but to be very careful and cautious in appointing a successor, and I think it would be desirable to listen to the opinions of the National Assembly and appoint them with the recommendation of the National Assembly.

[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea's general assembly seems to have toned down the impeachment of Acting President Han Deok-soo with a little cautious stenosis, what do you think?

[Kim Gi-heung]
In reality, wasn't the target clear? Since the impeachment of the president was carried out and the impeachment was passed, the impeachment of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo or a member of the State Council was a stepping stone for the impeachment of the president before that. And now you have to calm down a little bit. In the face of the opposition party, Chairman Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party, which are one of the pillars of state administration, should do very well. Therefore, various suspicions can be raised in order to raise the president's problem, but now there is no choice but to issue policies or messages as a responsible axis, not suspicions. If power is not controlled, it is violence. So what I want to say is that if you think of the ruling party, you should think about what the public sentiment is and what the middle class is thinking, and I don't think Lee Jae-myung will act like he used to because he has greed for the president.

[Anchor]
What powers will remain for the president, who is now suspended by the impeachment?

[Park Won-seok]
You do not have permission. Since his job has been suspended, he probably maintains his position as president, so security and other things are maintained, but he cannot exercise his presidential authority. According to the results of the Constitutional Court, if the Constitutional Court rejects the impeachment motion, he can return to the presidency, but if he cites it, he will be dismissed immediately, so he has to hold a presidential election within 60 days. So, I think it should be said that the early presidential election has actually come into view. President Yoon told the Constitutional Court earlier that he would do his best in the legal battle until the end.In any case, Ma invoked the right to impeach this civil war in the National Assembly and filed an impeachment, but it's hard for the Constitutional Court to make a different decision, and the other axis is investigation. Prosecutors and police are investigating very quickly, but they have already arrested and arrested the Minister of National Defense, the Commissioner of Police, and the counterintelligence commander, and if you look at the arrest warrant, President Yoon Suk Yeol is pointed out as the leader. In this situation, an arrest warrant or arrest warrant for President Yoon may be requested and issued. Given that, the Constitutional Court's review may not take as long as expected. There are these observations.

[Anchor]
Earlier, President Yoon was responding to the message after today's approval, but it got cut off in the middle, so I won't give up. You must never stop your journey. Can I take this as a sign that I will eventually go to the Constitutional Court and fight?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Actually, it was two days ago. If you look at the public statement on the 12th, I think you can express that. The president said he doesn't shy away from political and legal responsibility, but I'll fight to the end. That's what I expressed. Didn't you talk about the inevitability and urgency of invoking martial law because you were a lawyer, not that you wanted to fight the people? If so, I will talk about it through the legal dispute of the Constitutional Court judge. I think there's that aspect. So some people say that. It's like a summary of an argument. You can fully predict the direction of what you will do in the future. In the end, it's two things. Aren't martial law a state of emergency, such as wartime and events? In terms of a national emergency, the current opposition party, so that's how I expressed it. Isn't there an expression that says we get wet in the drizzle?
So the opposition started talking about impeachment five months after he became president. Don't we all know? The chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection, the head of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office, and the members of the State Council talked about the impeachment numerous times. So beyond the impeachment of an individual, it's actually a situation that neutralizes state agencies, then a reduction budget, and then some great man-made law to reduce one's own judicial risk. He tries to eliminate the election law and the publication of false information, and if the fine is more than 1 million won, it will deprive him of his right to run for election, but he tries to increase it to 10 million won. In fact, I was once a reporter until Lee Tae-woo, but I've never done that in my 20 years as a reporter. In the end, when you look at this situation, the president saw that there was a problem. However, is the process of resolving such things inevitable in terms of martial law? I personally don't agree, but how will the Constitutional Court accept those things that the president is inevitable? And the other thing is, in the end, disrupting the constitutional institution's national constitution, doesn't it eventually neutralize the National Assembly or the NEC? Martial law is different from before. It was kind of a warning. But as Rep. Park said, catch all the commanders in the field. Let's clean up at this time. Aren't you saying that the president told you to break the door and pull it out? If so, I think the truth will be contested at the Constitutional Court, where the president's thoughts and the president's position and the truth of the people who were in the field are.

[Anchor]
I would like to ask about the possibility of President Yoon being prosecuted before and after the impeachment trial, and in this case, if President Yoon requests the Constitutional Court to suspend the hearing, the Constitutional Court will consider whether to suspend it or not and make a decision.

[Park Won-seok]
There is such a provision in the Constitutional Court Act. If you are impeached in the same case and are subject to constitutional examination, and as a result, you can ask for the suspension of the Constitutional Court's hearing, which is the discretion of the Constitutional Court. Former President Park Geun Hye also asked the Constitutional Court to suspend the Constitutional Court's impeachment review based on the clause when he was impeached in 2016, but it was not accepted. Of course, in the case of Chief Prosecutor Son Joon-sung, there are cases where the impeachment review was suspended due to the acceptance of it, and since it is a much more serious case than that, and in a way, our constitutional system was almost overthrown, there is little possibility that the Constitutional Court will accept such a request based on the Constitutional Court Act. You mentioned the possibility of prosecution earlier, but I think there is a very high possibility of prosecution and arrest. Of course, since the president's duties have been suspended, there is no possibility that there will be a flight or another threat through presidential authority, but there is a lot of fear of destroying evidence. In light of this, it is very likely that an arrest warrant will be filed and issued by the court in a short period of time, considering the speed at which the investigative agency has been investigating so far and that all major mission workers, who are the culprits of the civil war, have been issued through the court. Then, while in custody, the Constitutional Court's impeachment review proceeds, and of course, the Constitutional Court's impeachment review will be accelerated, right?

[Anchor]
You mentioned the possibility of a presidential arrest, what do you think about this?

[Kim Gi-heung]
In fact, the prosecution's investigation and the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police's investigation must be proved in detail. The court has to issue a warrant, but it may be because of the seriousness of the criminal charge, but in a way, there is no fear of escape and the possibility of destroying evidence. I think there is a possibility of destroying evidence, but there is actually that. Even if the charges are large, if there is a lot of evidence secured through investigation, they may not be arrested. There's that aspect. Because when the judge rejected the arrest warrant at the time regarding CEO Lee Jae-myung's perjury teacher, he criticized a lot. Paradoxically, there is enough human and material evidence that has been secured without sufficient arrest. That's how I judged it. Therefore, in this martial law situation, there are stories of the president, so-called former Minister Kim Yong-hyun, and the military and police officers at the scene, and there is no fear of evidence when the evidence secured by the investigative agency is clear beyond the level of clearly conflicting statements. Because if you think there's a lot of evidence. In that sense, a warrant may not be issued. So in the end, I think there is an expression that went a little too far because investigative agencies are very competitive now. From that point of view, there is some aspect of emergency arrest and other things to the media, but now that I have taken political responsibility and moved on to the Constitutional Court, I would like to calm down with evidence in a way.

[Park Won-seok]
I think the need for emergency arrest has decreased a lot. Since the president's duties are suspended, the need for emergency arrest has decreased due to the reduced number of factors that require emergency arrest, but in light of the seriousness of the crime of civil war, arrest investigation is a principle. In addition, all the criminals are being arrested. If you take that into account, you're in the position of president.Ma is now suspended from his job, so there is a very high possibility that an arrest warrant will be requested, and it is likely to be done faster than expected, I predict so.

[Anchor]
As you said, the investigation agency is very competitive right now, but haven't the permanent special prosecutor and the general special prosecutor all passed the National Assembly? I don't know what action acting Han Deok-soo will take now, but how long do you think it will take for the special prosecutor to be launched?

[Kim Gi-heung]
In my opinion, the special prosecutor will be done quickly and within a month. And since the special prosecutor took about a month, isn't it virtually impossible to exercise the veto in the case of a permanent special prosecutor? It is at the level of a resolution, and if you look at the rules of the National Assembly in practice, there was an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties and recommended it for four people. So, there were two for the ruling party and two for the opposition party, but they changed the rules of the National Assembly without hesitation. In my view, the Democratic Party is very meticulous. In the face of the opposition party, the judiciary committee and the steering committee were taken by the opposition party. Originally, if you take the chairman of the National Assembly, the Judiciary Committee is supposed to give it to the other party. Not only the chairman of the National Assembly, but also the Judiciary Committee and the Steering Committee took it, and the reason is that the special prosecutor you want has no choice but to recommend and pass the rules of the National Assembly in such a permanent special prosecution. As I mentioned earlier, various investigations through the prosecution, the police, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and the general permanent special prosecutor are carried out in earnest, so you can pass all the details to the special prosecutor who will be launched after that.

[Anchor]
The Constitutional Court must conclude within 180 days and 6 months from the date of receipt of the case, but in the past case, it took about a month or two for former President Roh Moo Hyun and three months for former President Park Geun Hye. How long do you think it will take this time?

[Park Won-seok]
Well, the Constitutional Court will have to review it to find out in conclusion. However, as I said earlier, the term of office of constitutional judges is a very important issue. So, I think the vacancy of the three seats will be announced soon, but the two constitutional judges will end their terms in April next year, and it will be on April 19th. But this includes the president's recommendation. Then, if the decision is not made within that period, the acting president must recommend and appoint the president's recommendation, which is likely to be very controversial. So in 2016, there were eight constitutional judges because one was vacant, and there was controversy over the appointment of one. However, it is not reasonable for the acting authority to appoint it because it is an exercise of authority beyond the usual status quo. In the end, eight people reviewed and appointed it, and the decision was made two days before Lee Jung-mi, the acting president of the Constitutional Court, left office. Therefore, it is likely that the two constitutional judges will reach a conclusion before the retirement, so I predict that it will be concluded before April 19 next year at the most.

[Anchor]
It can be interpreted now that President Yoon has expressed his willingness to respond positively, saying he will not give up, but whether it is a crime of rebellion or an act of governance will also be an issue, what do you think?

[Kim Ki-heung]
is correct. It was two points in the national conversation. The first is the inevitability of martial law. So, in my view, I defined the opposition's offensive now as an emergency that makes it more difficult to conduct state affairs than just criticism and paralyzes it, so I practiced martial law. And the most important thing in martial law is martial law, which has constitutional authority. In a way, in the imagination, if we do martial law, isn't it a coup to take over the government by soldiers on December 12? But the president thinks it's different from martial law at the time. Because you're the president. So, the current constitutional controversy is because the National Assembly and the opposition party are holding back the constitution. There's that part. Another thing is that the president's authority can declare martial law, but isn't it the National Assembly that lifts this? It's a question of whether you can do the lifting process, but you've stopped it. If it was blocked, it would be a national constitution scandal, and what the president thinks without blocking is that this is maintaining order, right? So, the people saw various situations until that night and the dawn of the next day. So, whether the president is talking or the opposition party is arguing. I think the people will judge it and then the Constitutional Court will judge it. But didn't the president actually do it for 26 years after he became the prosecutor general? He told me that before. Rather than vaguely asking questions, you're confident in a very specific, sharp question. So, when you examine yourself, the other lawyers are large law firms. Since there was Kim & Chang and the Pacific Ocean, I am carefully preparing legal parts on certain issues, and former President Park Geun Hye did not actually argue at the Constitutional Court. I responded passively. And there were very few lawyers. However, I think Kim Hong-il, the former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, will also join. If so, he also served as the head of the Central Division of the Supreme Prosecutors' Office. And there are lawyers who want to prevent this issue from being impeached in this part of the law, not just for the president, and constitutional scholars who argue that it is a constitutional decision, on the other hand, are speaking out if those who argue about the risk of civil war were a little loud in the beginning. If so, the president has been given political responsibility now, but I will say enough when it comes to legal responsibility. That's why I'll do it until the end. So, I expressed regret about the part that caused some kind of confusion to the people, but I think I expressed it in that way that I would sit down for a while.

[Anchor]
Whether or not to attempt to disable it seems to be an issue in the Constitutional Court, but what do you think of this opinion?

[Park Won-seok]
The argument that this is a high-level act of governance regarding the civil war is a theory that the new military forces have presented in the past when they were tried in the civil war case, and it has all been rejected by the court. Even high-level governance acts were convicted of being subject to judicial review if they tried to neutralize the powers of constitutional institutions established by the Constitution with violence. I think this is exactly the case. The National Assembly and the NEC cannot stop the exercise of authority under martial law. However, I think the court will make a reasonable judgment because the scenes of trying to block the National Assembly's resolution to lift martial law by sending martial law troops to such institutions, and trying to steal the NEC's server and take control of the NEC have all been confirmed through the public's eyes. Now, President Yoon continues to put forward his self-defense frame, calling for political unity on the one hand, and the Constitutional Court on the other hand, saying that he will fight for the impeachment until the end, but I repeat that there is another axis of investigation. The axis of rhetoric is the fastest. But all the rebellion criminals have already been arrested for rebellion. And it's likely that they'll be prosecuted soon. Then, of course, it is almost inevitable to arrest and prosecute President Yoon, who is pointed out as the main culprit of the civil war in a way. When that happens, the speed of the Constitutional Court's decision can be very fast in light of whether the Constitutional Court can make a different judgment in that situation. Let me reiterate this point.

[Anchor]
Didn't reporter Shin Yoon-jung just say that while he remains president, his salary, the use of his official residence, security, and protocol will be maintained? The president's annual salary this year is 254,933,000 won. We're going to continue to receive impeachment until the Constitutional Court cites it, right?

[Park Won-seok]
That's right. The status, courtesy, protocol, and security are maintained, regardless of the suspension of duty. Salaries will be paid accordingly. So, since it was exercised, I can't exercise any official authority as president, but the rest can be seen as the same.

[Anchor]
The presidential security of Yoon Suk Yeol continues to be maintained, and even a dedicated bodyguard has been formed to perform the security duties of acting president Han Deok-soo, didn't the presidential security service reveal it like this? If that happens, will the security cost be double because we keep the security for President Yoon and also against acting Han Deok-soo?

[Kim Gi-heung]
I'll say it's double, but isn't it true that the president has not had so many security personnel in carrying out his schedule so far? In fact, since they stay in their official residence and discuss legal action, the security when guarding the official residence and the security of the Prime Minister as an acting president will be slightly different in terms of human or cost and mobilization of various vehicles. So if you look here, the president is actually suspended from his duties, but he can also leave the office. However, in the past, former President Roh Moo Hyun and former President Park Geun Hye did not use the office of Cheong Wa Dae at the time, but mostly stayed in the official residence.

[Anchor]
And unlike voluntary resignation, if the president is impeached, the president will not be treated as a former president, right?

[Park Won-seok]
There is a law on the courtesy of former presidents. There is a reason for the suspension of respect for the former president under the law. First of all, if impeached during the term of office, the former president's courtesy is excluded. Second, if it is confirmed by receiving a sentence of imprisonment or higher, respect for the former president is excluded. In the case of a surviving former president, President Moon Jae In is treated with respect under the Act on Honorable Treatment of Former Presidents, but he was impeached during the term of the former president Park Geun Hye, and former president Lee Myung Bak is excluded from the courtesy because he received a sentence of imprisonment or more and that was confirmed. And going back in the past, the two former presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo were similarly sentenced to more than imprisonment, so they were excluded from honorable treatment because their sentences were confirmed.

[Anchor]
Then, after being judged by the Constitutional Court, is it dismissed or cited? If one or the other scenario is rejected, will the president return to his duty immediately?

[Park Won-seok]
If it is dismissed, it will be returned immediately. In the past, in the case of President Roh Moo Hyun, the impeachment bill was rejected by the Constitutional Court in 67 days, and he immediately returned to his duty. Likewise, if the Constitutional Court overturns the prosecution this time, it will return to the presidency as soon as that.

[Anchor]
If the Constitutional Court cites impeachment now, wouldn't the political community enter an early presidential election phase? CEO Lee Jae-myung's judicial schedule seems to be a bit of a variable, what do you think?

[Kim Gi-heung]
In fact, representative Lee Jae-myung talks a lot about democracy while putting the people forward, but in reality, don't you know all the reasons why he has been trying to bring down the president by over-impeaching the impeachment? I was convicted in the first trial of my own judicial risk. According to the 633 Public Official Election Act, shouldn't the second trial come out from February to March next year? Eventually, CEO Lee Jae-myung talked about it today. I won the first game. I'll say thank you to the people, but I was very strangled from judicial risk, but I was out of breath. I'm sure you're taking care of your facial expressions. I'll try to pretend to be calm, but the problem is that. There was a thing called bed soccer in the past. The match against the Middle East continued to face down when Korea played soccer and if the countries in the Middle East were winning. I made a mockery. But I don't play bed soccer now. Do you know why? Ingerity timing is to accurately measure the time you lie down and give it extra time. I voted to impeach the president by holding him politically accountable. It can be cited or rejected by the Constitutional Court. This is going to the justice system. If so, the current anger lies with the president, but judicial risks are not eliminated, representative Lee Jae-myung. If that's the case, we have to do exactly the 633 principle. By the way, how are you doing now? You don't have a lawyer, do you? We are not accepting related documents regarding that. I'm going to play bed soccer. If I'm confident, I'd like to say, "If I'm confident, I'm confident that Lee Jae-myung has greed for presidential election." I affirm that I am not guilty of judicial risk. If so, people will take to the streets if I become president in a situation where I have these judicial risks and the president is fair. Then, one's presidential leadership is not created, but unhappiness begins and he continues to play politics on the street. That's not possible, is it? Through the process of elections through democracy, we need to create some new leadership for stability, but we are constantly being held back. That's why I want Representative Lee Jae-myung to calmly predict his judicial risks and do it confidently in March of the second trial. And when I solve this problem, can't I talk about the early presidential election? I look forward to that confidence.

[Anchor]
You compared it to bed soccer that drags on time. How did you hear it?

[Park Won-seok]
In principle, impeachment is impeachment and trial is trial. The process of impeachment's political dismissal does not stop or stop the trial of the opposition leader, but if it is delayed, the judiciary may be misunderstood. I think I'll follow the rules. Representative Lee Jae-myung, who is now being talked about, is not appointing a lawyer. And the trial is delayed due to the failure to receive litigation documents. In a way, it seems that he is not confident as the leader of the main opposition party. I think I can make this point. But if you listen to the lawyers, it's kind of a trial tactic that's common in criminal trials. Because it's within that category, if it's not illegal or against procedures, you can't take procedural problems with it, but you can't avoid it forever. The litigation documents will be delivered one day, and the lawyer cannot appoint, and then the trial process will begin. In terms of the power of the people, what has been said as a reason for impeachment, is that the power will be handed over to representative Lee Jae-myung. I can't agree to impeachment because I can't hand over power to someone who is under judicial risk and is accused of a crime. But impeachment has to be judged based on the reason for impeachment itself. I think it was a claim that it was difficult to understand logically and realistically that the president could not impeach him even though he made a serious mistake because he feared that power would be handed over to the other party or the other party's candidate. Even that is the people's choice. Since the impeachment process against President Yoon has been completed, how will the people view Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk in this situation? And if representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk becomes a reality, how will he judge it? This is not a situation where early presidential elections have yet been confirmed, and even if early presidential elections are confirmed, it is a matter for the people to judge, and avoiding this and that by citing it as a reason for the people's power does not mean that President Yoon's fault or the people's power is being pointed out. So I don't think it's a matter of making excuses for the other party. I think the president's fault is the president's fault, and the opposition leader's responsibility is the opposition leader's responsibility.

[Anchor]
If the early presidential election is confirmed and representative Lee Jae-myung is elected president, what will happen to the trial after that?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Is that Article 84 of the Constitution? I'm a little confused, but the president is not impeached during his term in office, so aren't you excluding civil war and foreign exchange? But the problem is that there is no impeachment here or not prosecution, which is a crime during the presidency. But isn't CEO Lee Jae-myung on trial on numerous charges before becoming president? Then this is controversial. It's even more controversial. Then I became the president. But aren't you going to keep fighting over this? In my view of this explicitly, the judiciary, the court administration, or the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court should part this. So for me, the current clock of justice should be the same as the clock of the Constitutional Court and the clock of the judiciary. But actually, the Democratic Party's strategy right now is that the Constitutional Court wants it to be very short and their clocks to be very slow, right? I think at least if the appeals court is guilty in the second trial, it could be different between the so-called pro-life and non-pro-life forces in the Democratic Party now. Because if you are guilty in the second trial, you are not likely to be innocent in the final trial. Because it's a legal trial. In that respect, voters have no choice but to see this as a problem. Then, from the standpoint of the screaming world, they can say more about what they want to say now. In that respect, if the period of early presidential election is extended, I think the demand for constitutional amendment could also burst a little.

[Anchor]
Then, it is also of interest to see what will end first with the impeachment trial of the Presidential Constitutional Court and the ruling of Lee Jae-myung's Public Official Election Act. How do you view it?

[Park Won-seok]
Well, it's hard to predict what will end first. Both are separate things. The Constitutional Court can work as the Constitutional Court, and the court in charge of Lee Jae-myung's appeal trial can work as the court. But perhaps the Democratic Party or Representative Lee Jae-myung will do everything possible to delay the trial as much as possible. You can criticize it politically, but it's not legally illegal or by illegal means, so it's hard to argue about doing it. If Lee Jae-myung is elected president after an early presidential election, what will happen to the ongoing trial? This can cause great controversy. During his term in office, the president has the privilege of fluoridation, which is not prosecuted in criminal terms except for the crimes of civil war and foreign exchange, but is this the case or not of the existing trial. But there are no explicit regulations. In the end, this should be a matter of interpretation. It can be a huge controversy surrounding that interpretation. And even though the presidential election is not over yet and the results have not come out, it is difficult for the judiciary to interpret the vote in advance. If it happens then, it will be interpreted when this becomes controversial, but in reality, can we continue to proceed with the existing trial of the person who was elected president and invalidate the presidential election? That will cause tremendous confusion, so if you are elected president through an early presidential election, I think it will be practically high that the trial will be suspended after the term.

[Kim Gi-heung]
Can I just say what I said? In the end, the fathers of the Constitution did not think about this. Can a person with so many charges like CEO Lee Jae-myung be a candidate? Because, if you look at the Democratic Party's constitution, there was originally a suspension of duty when prosecuted. But didn't Lee Jae-myung get rid of it when he was the father of the Democratic Party? In the end, when there was such a problem within the party, he was suspended from his job. That's why I am like that. Since the prosecution is the prosecution's dictatorship, I don't think all charges were made into novels and overlaid. Who flew the bus in Daejang-dong? Who drove it? Wasn't that done by Lee Nak-yeon camp? When a person with various risks becomes president, not just one or two cases, but when the second trial result does not come out and the third trial does not come out, is it possible to understand what kind of judgment criteria become ambiguous? This is what I am like. You can proceed with the Constitutional Court's judgment on the president and just come out of the appeals court naturally. The first trial lasted up to two years and two months, and if you say you're doing this for several years, who would accept it?

[Anchor]
I wonder what the Democratic Party should do if the early presidential election is confirmed and the imprisonment of the Public Official Election Act is confirmed on the day of the presidential election or the day before the presidential election? Can I get another candidate if it's the day before?

[Park Won-seok]
However, if the Public Official Election Act follows the principle, the first trial will be completed within a year by six months, and the appeals and appeals will be completed within three months, but this is not necessarily observed. There are cases where it is not followed, and CEO Lee Jae-myung has not. It has dragged on the first trial for more than two years, and now the court has to finish the appeal or appeal within three months in principle. I have this principle, and I think this political situation will inevitably be a variable. In addition, many doubt that they will be able to finish it within three months because they are using all possible means of delaying the trial. In addition, if the second trial is confirmed, there is no factual hearing in the case of a third trial appeal. It can fly quickly because it is not a complicated matter because it is just looking at the legal principles, but I don't know when the early presidential election will be held, but will it be possible to finish the third trial within six months after the Constitutional Court judges it for the longest period of six months? It doesn't seem easy. In that respect, as spokesperson Kim said earlier, according to the Democratic Party's Party Constitutional Regulations, it was the existing party constitution to leave the post and return to the post after proving innocence, but didn't you get rid of it all? And the reality of the Democratic Party of Korea now is that Chairman Lee Jae-myung is in such a heavy judicial risk anyway, but quit his job just because of Chairman Lee Jae-myung, he should not be a presidential candidate. It's not a situation like that. Since Lee Jae-myung's unipolar system is almost firmly established, he is just going to the presidential election at this rate. I think I'll go even if I'm guilty of an appeal. So, as I said earlier, there is a possibility that such controversy will arise when you become president. What happens if the election law is finalized on the day of the presidential election you asked earlier? I think the election will be invalid. Even if the results of the presidential election are announced, if the Supreme Court ruling is confirmed, it will be invalid because it will lose all the right to run for election at that time.

[Anchor]
If the early presidential election is held, the president must be elected within 60 days after the Constitutional Court's judgment, but is Lee Jae-myung the only presidential candidate in the opposition party?

[Park Won-seok]
I don't know if it's the only one.Ma is the most likely presidential candidate. In addition, aren't there some people within the Democratic Party who have an orientation toward the presidential election other than Chairman Lee Jae-myung? I don't know how those people will move after the impeachment. However, if Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk was likely to become a reality early, the move would have been faster if he had been guilty of the crime of perjury last time, but it is unlikely that such a move will be visible or accelerated so early. Of course, that doesn't mean that there will be no election, and competition will take place in any form, but unless there are other variables, the early presidential election will be visible and the Democratic presidential candidate will likely be Lee Jae-myung. Aren't you more worried about the power of the people now? The power of the people is that the president was impeached again, following the president's impeachment eight years ago. If the power of the people goes back to Lee Myung Bak when two recently elected presidents are impeached in a row and three presidents have been brought to justice, will the party be able to field a presidential candidate? How much will the people acknowledge the party? In a way, I think this will be a tougher path for the people's power.

[Anchor] What kind of person do you think will come out if the imprisonment of the Public Official Election Act is confirmed early in
and the presidential election is held as another candidate?

[Kim Gi-heung]
In fact, if that's the case, there could be a candidate for the non-crime. Or because it's a one-way system, even if representative Lee Jae-myung goes to prison, it's not like expressing a candidate for his own name, but it's like acting as a proxy. I want to call it pants, but I think it can happen anyway. But the problem is, in the end, I think the game can change when the second trial is convicted before the final trial. So the second trial is because I don't know if Korea is this dynamic. So actually, how was the Yoon Suk Yeol presidential candidate made? He was the Attorney General of the Government of Moon Jae In. At that time, there were many strong presidential candidates in the case of the opposing Democratic Party. There was Governor Ahn Hee-jung, Mayor Park Won-soon, and former Governor Kim Kyung-soo. What happened? There have been some bad things that have been brought to justice. In the end, there were too many candidates on this side and too few candidates on the conservative side, but in the end, he changed the government through a person named Yoon Seok-yeol. In the end, it's a question of what issues are urgent. It's not that the trend is important, but if I'm desperate, I can embrace it. What is the criticism of the president of Yoon Suk Yeol now is that he has not expanded it for the election? However, after taking power, all the people they did in the election were cut off. So in the end, the election is a battle of expanding the outside world and expanding the middle, but this seems a little small now because of Lee Jae-myung's interest in the president, but time goes by. Then it stands out. So, if the water is filled like this due to President Yoon Suk Yeol's various problems and it is transferred to the Constitutional Court in the realm of justice, representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk will inevitably stand out. I personally am a constitutionalist, but no one was beautiful behind the scenes as the president was impeached and the imperial presidency became. Then let's take this opportunity to think about the constitutional amendment. Then among the candidates, if I become president in 2028, I can do that with the general election in 28. After two years in office, let's change the imperial presidential system in a way. If you think you're throwing a constitutional amendment once, CEO Lee Jae-myung would like to fill all five years. However, from people's point of view, if it is built through a constitutional amendment through the front of anti-Lee Jae-myung, it is worth trying. From that point of view, it was so difficult for people to do it because it wasn't political engineering. Then, rather than responding to the same issue in the same way, I can talk about constitutional amendment if I think it's not an individual problem for the same fault, but a structural problem, and I'm so tired at this point. Politics is supposed to give you hope, but it's hard to demonize the other person. It's fixed, so let's change the board. Then it requires individual sacrifice. If I do something through a constitutional amendment to shorten the term of office, I think it's worth doing.

[Anchor]
The opposition party is now trying to regain power, and on the contrary, the ruling party will continue to make some efforts not to give up power, but I don't think it's time for the Jamryongs to come out and it seems burdensome. What do you think?

[Kim Gi-heung]
In a way, there may not be active discussions on the Democratic side. Because representative Lee Jae-myung is greedy, but the rest is a one-way system, such as former Governor Kim Kyung-soo or Governor Kim Dong-yeon, and Prime Minister Kim Boo-kyum are not actually becoming influential. But at this point, we're waiting and seeing, as I said earlier, if we're guilty to a certain extent in the second trial, we'll speak out from then on.

[Anchor]
What about the ruling party?

[Kim Gi-heung]
In the case of the ruling party, I think if representative Han Dong-hoon's leadership has virtually collapsed, it is better to clearly acknowledge his responsibility for this if he has any thoughts on the presidential election. If you keep complaining about this, it might be a little awkward, but it seems to be gone. So, I think you should take responsibility for the responsibility and think about it largely, and if you have any thoughts on the presidential election after going through a time of consideration, you can think twice then. There's one point where it's a little difficult for us. Isn't Hong Joon Pyo Mayor and Oh Se-hoon the head of the local government now? Then the environment we had in the early presidential election. We have to put down our so-called authority as the head of the local government. If so, the kind of defense that we have, the platform, is disappearing. That's why I have an idea about this, so in reality, can I challenge myself even if I give up on this? I think we can face realistic problems. And there are people who have not expressed their position in the context of a constitutional amendment. It was not mentioned in the media, but in the case of former Minister Won Hee-ryong, he did not speak out in the impeachment phase. Then, he received the strength of the president and pro-Yoon-gye during the last convention, and it will be very important to know what position he will take in the space in the future. Most importantly, Han Dong-hoon's system as the ruling party has changed now, but if so, the emergency committee, which is actually shown, has no choice but to go to acting President Kwon Sung-dong, it is not just a step to protect the president, but if we can maintain a single team that can actually check representative Lee Jae-myung in a situation where we think about people's livelihoods and are virtually incapacitated, it is a situation worth trying to do on the platform. I think so.

[Anchor]
What do you think? What if the ruling and opposition parties of the next presidential nomination exclude representative Lee Jae-myung?

[Park Won-seok]
Well, it's a little early to talk about that.First of all, in the case of the ruling party, the early presidential election becomes visible. Then within four or six months. Of course, the ruling party will reorganize its ranks, field candidates, and run for president. But I don't think it means much. Even if it is held within up to six months from now, in the end, a presidential election will be held in civil war, martial law, impeachment, and this announcer, and I wonder how much public support we will be able to receive even if we cast candidates for the power of the people and ask the people to vote. Furthermore, all those who did not check, criticize, or resist President Yoon's abnormal state administration over the past two and a half years are not qualified. That's how the people see it. But now, they are only mistaken within the power of the people. How can we have another opportunity because the other candidate has a judicial risk? I think so, but this is different from the time of impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye. It is different from the constitutional crisis at that time and the constitutional crisis that we are experiencing now. At that time, former President Park Geun Hye was accused of bribery or abuse of authority by a third party, but at least he was not involved in such unconstitutional, illegal emergency martial law or civil war, and the whole nation watched the broadcast in real time and there will be a number of shocking issues to come out of investigations and trials in the future. In this situation, when the presidential election is held, it is possible to recover as quickly as the power of the people now thinks. I think it's almost impossible. It's not going to be a big variable, I see it like this. Rather, what is of interest is what will happen within the Democratic Party of Korea if Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk becomes more concrete than now. And I think there will be presidential candidates from opposition parties other than the Democratic Party. In addition to that, you mentioned the constitutional amendment earlier, but in fact, we are facing a constitutional crisis in which the president is impeached twice in less than 10 years, and this is not only a human problem, but also a system problem, a power structure problem, and a constitutional system. So this is impeached again and the early presidential election is visible, so who is the next president? What's more important than going to this competition is the fundamental flaw in our system. In fact, it has been pointed out that there have been various constitutional flaws since we made the Constitution in 1987, but no one expected and imagined that something like this would happen this time, such as a civil war. But this happened. It turns out that our constitution has a major flaw. Discussions on what alternatives to make for it naturally come out on the agenda, and in the process, constitutional amendment will emerge as a major issue in the next presidential election. Earlier, the next presidential candidates will revise the constitution even by shortening their terms after they are elected president. You said it is important to express this will, but many presidents were elected after pledging to amend the constitution in the presidential election. However, the constitutional amendment has never been made. And the president of Moon Jae In wanted to do it. I even came up with a constitutional amendment.Ma couldn't because of the opposition of the National Assembly. And also reducing his term in office? I don't think it's possible after being elected president. Then I think the best way is that there may be a way to amend the constitution along with the presidential election. In order to do that, there needs to be a high-level agreement in the political world, and it is not easy to reach such an agreement in a situation where the political community is very hostile and competitive. However, I think the public will also be paying attention to who is pointing out the flaws in our constitutional system and talking about alternatives to innovation in a new system.

[Anchor]
I see. That's all for today's talk. So far, Kim Ki-heung, a former spokesman for the president's office, and Park Won-seok, a former lawmaker of the Justice Party. Thank you both.