[News FM Lee Ik-seon Choi Soo-young Issue & People]
□ Broadcast date and time: November 20, 2024 (Wednesday)
□ Host: Lee Ik-seon, Choi Soo-young
□ Performers: Kim Byung-joo, a supreme council member of the Democratic Party of Korea, Cho Hae-jin, a member of the National Power Party
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information.
◇ Lee Ik-seon: It's time for Jungkook's friends. Let's take a sharp look at the current issues while there are witty remarks and stories, not Gang-dae-gang confrontations. We called the people who are with us at this time as Buddy's Best Friend, which means comfortable friends. Two lawmakers, Kim Byung-joo of the Democratic Party of Korea and Cho Hae-jin of the People's Power, came out. Please come in.
◆Choi Soo-young: Yesterday, the prosecution indicted CEO Lee Jae-myung on charges of private use of corporate credit cards. It has been three days since representative Lee received a suspended prison sentence for violating the Public Official Election Act, and the ruling and opposition parties are in hot water. The Democratic Party of Korea says, "Killing a political opponent too much even if you do it," and the power of the people is, "What's wrong with you with something natural?" What do you think, Representative Kim?
□ Kim Byung-joo: It's clearly an omnidirectional static killing, and in fact, it's state violence. Because this corporate car was investigated by the police and cleared of charges. The fact that the police did not send him is done while communicating with the prosecution at the time. It doesn't make sense to take this out again even though the prosecution admitted it. That means I'm going to do it even if there's no evidence. So this is really part of killing Lee Jae-myung's political opponent, and it is an excessive act of state violence. It's showing the form of a police prosecutor.
■Jo Hae-jin: Looking at the report, I don't think the police consulted with the prosecution in advance when deciding not to send. Since the police did not send it, the prosecution ordered the reinvestigation, but the police did not. Since I don't do it, I asked the prosecution to transfer it to the prosecution, so the prosecution would have made its own investigation, but I think I waited to see the results of the first trial of the Kim Hye-kyung case and conclude it. However, since the related charges are recognized as true by the court at the trial, this is a situation where if the prosecution does not prosecute it, it becomes a dereliction of duty.
The Democratic Party said it was too much even if it was done, but I think the life of Representative Lee Jae-myung is too much. If you look at it so far, he has committed too many fouls regardless of how he has lived since he was young. That's why I came all the way here with the crime. So, if he didn't cheat or violate the law like that, would he have come to this position or would he have become a member of the National Assembly and become a party leader and even a presidential candidate? And there are many so-called right-living politicians that the Democratic Party has cultivated for decades in the Democratic Party. There are a lot of leaders who live a good life. However, it is the karma of the Democratic Party of Korea, which rejected all such people and chose a person who is so hurtful by foul or illegal acts as a presidential candidate and as the party leader.
□Kim Byung-joo: What was useful about the corporate card, for example, as a standard given to CEO Lee Jae-myung? For example, if you use an official car for three and a half years, you can say, "It was private useful," but if you use it, there is no one free, including the governor or, for example, the president of a high-ranking government official. Didn't you personally go exercise when you went to the president's golf course? Did you go to the official car at that time? Did you go on your own? For example, it's all equal before the law. For example, the governors often have ambiguous personal work and that. In fact, it's all about official cars in those cases, but if you use the standard you put on Representative Lee Jae-myung without evidence, President Yoon Suk Yeol should quit as president now. In fact, there are already a lot of false information and dissemination in the election process, and for example, there are a lot of controversies over nomination intervention. I personally think that even if you go to prison for more than 100 years, it's too full to be enough.
◆Choi Soo-young: No presidential charges have been confirmed. There's still a claim.
□ Kim Byung-joo: Lies have been confirmed a lot. For example, there have been several confirmed lies during the presidential election. So the truth is, these things are under the illusion that if you kill only one powerful presidential candidate in front of Lee Jae-myung, you will continue your administration. How are you really going to handle the crime? I don't know if everyone will be in charge of the crime in their lives. I think he's doing a crime that he can't pay back even if he dies. I can't sleep at night these days. You have to remember that there are a lot of these people other than me.
■ Cho Hae-jin: Private use of official cars is evidence. Usually, for official cars, if you take them home after work, the driver just goes by car. So I bring him back in the morning and use only working hours. In the case of Gyeonggi Governor Lee Jae-myung, if he leaves the garage right near his house and takes the driver to him, he just goes, even on the weekend, and he told me to go, so I think the judge ruled that he used you privately even when there was no driver. So, I think the prosecution admitted that the official car is not only used by the governor, but other public officials continued to register so that other public officials could not use it, so that the governor alone or his family could use it privately.
◇Lee Ik-seon: Following the previously convicted Public Official Election Act, Lee Jae-myung will face five trials, including perjury teachers, development corruption in Daejang-dong, illegal donations from Seongnam FC, and illegal remittance to North Korea. If this happens, it will take a lot of time just to attend the trial, but some point out that it has actually entered a "legal pension" state.
□ Kim Byung-joo: So that's what the current Yoon Suk Yeol regime is trying to do. You're picking on her habitually, aren't you? In fact, if you look at each of the charges, even though they are innocent, in my opinion, they are harassing them like that. So, I hear it as a political prosecution and I hear it as a prosecution republic. No other administration has ever done this. In fact, it is common in our political history to give tolerance to the loser if he is elected president, but if there is no dust, he is taking it with dust, so it is lamentable right now. I think I only have three in the head of President Yoon Suk Yeol right now. The first thing is to play as an emperor and a bulletproof couple. The second and the third is to kill the opposition leader, and the third is to kill the former government. I don't care about the people now, I don't care about the people's livelihood. It's so hard and difficult right now, but I'm so desperate to kill the opposition leader, and the prosecution is dancing and the state's power agencies are all dancing. The Board of Audit and Inspection is dancing as a servant and the prosecution is doing so. Is this the country? Now, I'm going to go down to Yoon Suk Yeol and go on for a longer time, and the country will be ruined. So I think a lot these days that I need to create a new government. I'm really getting a headache about what I'm going to do.
◆Choi Soo-young: Last Friday, Representative Lee Jae-myung was convicted in the first trial of violating the Public Official Election Act, but representative Lee Jae-myung said at an in-party debate yesterday that the election law of the Public Official Election Act is too tight, so the election law should be revised. In response, former lawmaker Yoo Seung Min directly pointed out that the National Assembly is a place to make laws for representative Lee, but as soon as representative Lee Jae-myung is convicted, what do you think about the revision of the Public Official Election Act?
■ Cho Hae-jin: I think someone gave me that idea. So, I think they gave the idea that they are using all possible means to escape from guilt or punishment, and one of them is that it is helpful to revise the Political Fund Election Act. Because if the law changes before the trial is finalized in the course of the trial, even if it is not representative Lee Jae-myung, the standard of punishment changes before the criminal trial, and especially if it changes to easing punishment, it is said that it is not affected because there is usually no retroactive effect or it is no longer guilty, but in reality, it is affected by the trial. So I don't completely acquit or anything because of that, but I think I'm aiming for it because I'm affected by it to some extent. That's why I personally think our political campaign regulations have long been too strict unnecessarily, and that voters or candidates needlessly always make it close on the fence of illegality. That's how campaign restrictions should be relaxed. I have argued so for a long time, and when I was a sub-chairman of the special committee on political reform, I did a lot of work to ease it, and some of it was legislated. In that respect, I think the purpose itself is in the right direction, but for CEO Lee to say this, I would say, "Okay, call" and "Instead, only after CEO Lee is confirmed." ” Because, as I said, legislation is eventually abused as a bulletproof means to engage in trials and avoid clear criminal punishment, so it's not really that purpose, and if you do it with sincerity, it's not too late to do it after the representative case is confirmed.
□Kim Byung-joo: The discussion on the revision of the Public Official Election Act has probably been acknowledged by all 300 members of the National Assembly that it needs to be revised. The Public Official Election Act itself was actually created to prevent being elected by foul play, but it is now too ragged. I don't really have that spirit, and when I'm campaigning, I don't know the person in charge. Sometimes I get caught like this and suffer.
◆Choi Soo-young: We call it negative regulation.
□Kim Byung-joo: And for example, look at Lee Jae-myung's conviction last week. In the case of Baekhyun-dong, when he was governor of Gyeonggi-do Province at the National Audit Office, he walked to the Public Official Election Act with his answers to questions while being audited by the government. Just because you're a presidential candidate, or just because you were in the National Audit Office, is it the Public Official Election Act with the content that comes out from it? So, because there are so many legal deficiencies, it is necessary to revise the Public Official Election Act and why Lee talked about it at this point, but at this point, many people have a consensus that the Public Official Election Act is too problematic, so let's revise it at this time. For example, the enforcement of the law has nothing to do with Lee Jae-myung's past. Because of that in the future, Congressman Yoo Seung Min attacked with it, and it's just an attack for a political attack. Everything is done when public opinion is formed. The public consensus is that what Lee Jae-myung, the representative of the Public Official Election Act, is so wrong.
◆Choi Soo-young: Okay. But with Lee facing a total of six indictments and five trials, what about the so-called President Yoon and First Lady Kim Gun-hee? Like this, at the last rally, the slogan "Yoon Gun-hee" appeared. I think President Yoon and Mrs. Kim made it up, but the Democratic Party of Korea is strongly pushing it to an off-the-shelf rally like this, but if this happens, the Democratic Party of Korea is only going too far outside the office, so I think this week will be very strong. Do you have any plans now?
□ Kim Byung-joo: That's right. From November 2nd until now, the Democratic Party of Korea has been holding it in and has been mainly active in the floor. The word impeachment was also very restrained. But I couldn't stand it anymore. In the case of the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor's Act, isn't it a violation of the constitutional spirit of the separation of powers, exercising the right to veto the Chae Hae-byeong Special Prosecutor's Act whenever possible? That's why the public's anger is soaring. In fact, since last year, many citizens have already called for impeachment in the square. Nevertheless, the Democratic Party did not go out, but from November, we decided to share the plaza and the floor.
◆Choi Soo-young: But Representative Cho is too harsh in the Democratic Party of Korea, Lee Jae-myung, and too tolerant of First Lady Kim Gun-hee. We continue to talk about the so-called double standard, and I think we will use this part as an off-the-shelf power. Do you have any countermeasures against this in the power of the people?
■ Cho Hae-jin: As I said earlier, CEO Lee Jae-myung has lived his life like that. You said you're going to do something before, but I think it'll come out like a piggyback if you shake it off. We usually live like this because ordinary people are illegal due to some unconstitutional factor in some special case or have never been near the law in their lives, but this is the way he has lived. It's a life that comes up from the bottom, but it's not a process where ordinary people come up with energy and sweat, but if you look at it now, it's because they're just doing fouls, tricks, violations, and violations on a daily basis. It doesn't make sense to live as a prosecutor all your life, meet him late, marry him, and set your life the same standard with the first lady. Moreover, the Deutsche Motors case and some other cases have already been completely killing the Yoon Suk Yeol of Prosecutor General Yoon Suk Yeol during the Kim Moon Jae In administration. We surrounded Ban Yoon Seok-yeol prosecutors around us and shook them off. So in the end, we actually concluded that we were not guilty. It doesn't make sense to compare it to such cases, and nevertheless, I think the first trial's ruling has had a lot of influence on going back to the square and continuing to hold many emergency rallies. And concerns about the second trial's ruling, which falls next Monday, also affect a lot, so in the end, there is no other way but to impeach the president and bring down the president to a quick calculation before Lee's sentence is confirmed. We need to step up to the idea that we need to put everything in there. In order to gather more people, we need to set fire to gather that person, and then the atmosphere is already unstable within the Democratic Party of Korea after the first trial. It's probably complicated. Everyone's calculation must be complicated, but in order to prevent it, some people kill him or threaten him or her to prevent it, but in the end, you have to collect a lot of them in the square and light them up in that direction, so that you can crack down on them. I think that's how I judged it.
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