[News NIGHT] Lee Jae-myung's 'perjury teacher' is innocent...Controversy intensifies over 'party member bulletin board'

■ Host: Chang Won-seok Anchor
■ Starring: Choi Soo-young, former political commentator, Park Sung-min, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNIGHT] when quoting.

[Anchor]
It's time for "Focus Night" to point out the news of political interest. Today, we will be joined by political commentator Choi Soo-young and former Democratic Party supreme council member Park Sung-min. Welcome, two of you. Nice to meet you. The court acquitted Lee Jae-myung of the perjury teacher case today. There are not a few repercussions in the political world. Let's listen to CEO Lee's voice first.

[Lee Jae-myung / Minjoo Party leader: Thank you to the court for bringing back truth and justice. Although the process is very difficult and long, it is difficult for me to experience as a part of the Changhae Sea, and it is just one small rice under the big sea. Compared to the difficulties our people face, I think the difficulties I face are minimal. I would like to say that I will do my best for the better life of our people in the future, and I hope that politics is not about killing and stepping on each other, but about coexisting and going with each other. Rather than killing politics, let's do politics that saves people, I want to say to the government and the ruling party. Thank you.]

[Anchor]
Even before the sentence, there were many expectations about the results. I wonder what you both expected. Can you answer first?

[Park Sungmin]
I was expecting justice to win in the end. First of all, I heard that this court heard the entire transcript of the controversial call during the trial. There was also a request from CEO Lee's lawyer. So I think I expected the judges to make a really accurate judgment if I heard the entire call record. Because only a part of the transcript, which was actually a hot topic and controversial in the media, became an issue, but if you listen to the whole thing, it clearly shows that Lee Jae-myung emphasized these parts, asking him to tell the truth as he was when he was governor at the time. Therefore, I expected that if I heard the entire transcript and judged the context, I would wisely judge that CEO Lee's perjury teacher charge itself cannot be established.

[Anchor]
What did you expect, critic Choi Soo-young?

[Choi Soo-young]
I actually expected a conviction and a sentence of more than a year in prison, as many expected. Of course, the prosecution asked for three years. When Lee Jae-myung, the representative of the arrest motion, came to the National Assembly last year, the judge Lee Chang-hoon, who was judged by the court as an arresting judge, had a professional opinion that the part of the perjury teacher seemed to have been fairly explained, and the second was that the prosecution prosecuted and asked for perjury for three years, and that the perjury was basically carried out. And the last thing I want to say is that in this regard, the court made a subjective judgment on the transcript slightly innocent. Depending on how you interpret this, there were many grounds to be considered guilty, but anyway, the first trial court used the evidence for the transcript as an inference of innocence, and it seems that our expectations were all wrong because it was probably acquitted.

[Anchor]
Representative Lee Jae-myung has heard this before, but he expressed his gratitude to the court, saying, "Now, we should do politics that saves people rather than killing them." That's what I said. What do you think he meant?

[Park Sungmin]
I think there are two things. First of all, I think I pointed out the overall problems of the prosecution's investigation that the Democratic Party of Korea has pointed out, that is, the process of conducting a kind of judicial murder and targeted investigation targeting the leader of the main opposition party. He criticized that this behavior should be stopped. On the other hand, the economy is very difficult and people's livelihoods are difficult these days. Don't we talk about this a lot? In fact, CEO Lee Jae-myung has also been on a two-track basis, talking about amendments to the commercial law and criticizing the government's economic policies in many ways. That's why he seems to have said that in this politics, he should not only deal with representative Lee's judicial risks, but also that politics should focus on the policies of people's livelihoods that the National Assembly should do.

[Anchor]
In this first trial, many people asked if it was intentional or not. I said this part was very important, but the first trial court saw that CEO Lee did not deliberately teach perjury. How do you rate it?

[Choi Soo-young]
In fact, I also give the basic premise of respecting the court's ruling, but in fact, there are quite a few things that I don't understand from the common sense of the people. Because, in a word, if I define this ruling, there is perjury, but there is no perjury teacher. So there was a perjury, but I didn't order it very intentionally or manipulate it from behind. In other words, however, I asked him to lie, but I didn't mean it. What does this mean, a lot of people would be tilted. So, if CEO Lee couldn't predict that he would perjure himself, then what can't be explained here is that there is no judicial decision on why Kim Jin-sung, who didn't even receive the request, perjured himself. That's why many people actually judged the court's ruling and everything, but nevertheless, maybe they interpreted this too subjectively. So, how would the court know whether or not it made that prediction when it was impossible to predict that Lee Jae-myung would perjury? So, I think the court did the subjective domain of interpretation that it probably did, but in that respect, it is in the first trial. I respect the acquittal, but I thought it would be controversial, so the prosecution appealed at the second trial, but if this is a part of the dispute, there is a considerable amount of room for dispute, so the second trial ruling is too far apart from the prosecution's three years in prison and innocence. Therefore, I also cautiously predict that the interpretation of this part may vary depending on how the court actively interprets the transcript in the second trial.

[Anchor]
Today, the first trial court sentenced Kim Jin-sung, who confessed to perjury, to a fine of 5 million won, saying that severe punishment is needed for obstructing judicial functions. Lee was acquitted on the contrary. How do you see this changed ruling?

[Park Sungmin]
You have to look at it separately. It was judged by the court that Kim Jin-sung's perjury was committed. Apart from that, however, did Kim Jin-sung's perjury recommendation that Lee's perjury teacher act force, coercion, or perjury in the process of perjury? I saw that it was not established for that part. First of all, there are two things in a broad way, especially the representative Lee's act of sending a summary of his argument, and many saw this as direct evidence of perjury. However, when judged by the court this time, this was the exercise of Lee's appropriate defense right. I saw it through this series of processes. So it would be reasonable to say that there was no direct evidence to prove the perjury teacher. Kim Jin-sung's perjury was based on his own voluntary statement because he judged that there was an act of perjury. And another point, as I said earlier, is that if you listen to the recordings of the entire call, you don't have to say that Lee Jae-myung, then governor of Gyeonggi Province, told you as you are, that you haven't seen it. There is a part where you say, "Please tell me the truth." That's why it was seen that there was no evidence, direct evidence, or specific circumstances of intervention in the judgment of the court to believe that any perjury was made by Representative Lee Jae-myung.

[Anchor]
Representative Lee Jae-myung emphasized appreciation and respect last week ahead of the sentencing. I've refrained from making comments provoking the judiciary, did it affect you today?

[Choi Soo-young]
Well, we can't objectively guess whether we received it or not.Even so, Chairman Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party leadership used a kind of double-speaker strategy. So, Chairman Lee Jae-myung tried not to provoke the judiciary by lowering himself to a minimum, but in the case of Supreme Council member Kim Min-sung, he said it was a judicial murder, but it is a backlash, which means that our party's judicial system is like that. It seemed like I was just saying things that I was confused about whether it was an interpretation or an explanation, but anyway, the Democratic Party of Korea put a lot of pressure on the judiciary by the Supreme Council or some kind of leadership, and through the so-called low-key strategy of going low, Chairman Lee Jae-myung said that he seemed to respect the judiciary because he is a defendant and a party to the trial, and that he seemed to trust the judiciary because of this, even though the Democratic Party gave 22 billion won in the Supreme Court budget, would the judiciary have judged like this? I don't think so.Ma, but it seems a little embarrassing that the Democratic Party of Korea is praising the court now, and there will be many cases of Lee Jae-myung, the representative of the court, and I hope that this case will be used to evaluate and judge the judiciary based on the Democratic Party's standards.

[Anchor]
Representative Lee Jae-myung said today that it would be better not to come to the court as much as possible, but I think many people went. Looking at the atmosphere of the scene, some seemed to wipe away tears after the sentencing, and some lawmakers cheered. It's a party atmosphere, but for the time being, can CEO Lee Jae-myung's one-party system be seen as solid and healthy?

[Park Sungmin]
It is believed that the elements that could shake the leadership of Lee Jae-myung's leadership itself have ended for now. I think centripetal and solidarity will be stronger. The overall sentiment of the Democratic Party of Korea is clearly based on certain investigations targeting the leader of the main opposition party, which are too excessive, and this is in stark contrast to the recent non-prosecution against Kim Gun-hee, and compared to the investigation of former President Moon Jae In or the investigation of Chairman Lee Jae-myung, there is a consensus that a targeted investigation has been conducted against the opposition party as a whole. There is this consensus. In the presence of this, the first trial ruling showed that despite the fact that there were many voices of the ruling camp predicting guilt, the Democratic Party was virtually given a chance to turn around as it was acquitted. So, even if the results of the first trial were disappointing, I don't think the centripetal force itself was broken.Even more so, for the current situation, it can be predicted that the entire party will move in the direction of calmly responding to the remaining trials and strengthening Chairman Lee Jae-myung's political position.

[Anchor]
There's a comment that it's one win and one loss. There are also three trials left, one win and one loss out of a total of five. How do you see it? Will the
re-emergence one-polar system continue to hold up or is there still a judicial risk?

[Choi Soo-young]
I think there's something to look at separately from judicial risk. So there are two right now. Since perjury teachers came out today, even if we do it separately, isn't the Public Official Election Act an area where the 6-3-3 principle applies now? In particular, the first trial is 6 months, the second trial is 3 months, and the third trial is 3 months, but the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court has ordered an official letter to do so, so he will probably go the fastest. However, the rest of the cases in Daejang-dong, Baekhyun-dong, and Ssangbangwool remittance to North Korea, and Gyeonggi-do corporate credit card cases have just been prosecuted or are sluggish because the cases are too vast. That's why I understand that the prosecution asked the court to separate Daejang-dong and Baekhyun-dong from Wirye and Seongnam FC for a quick and quick trial. But I think what's important is the Public Official Election Act. Because the Public Official Election Act is a medium-sized law in which lawmakers are lost and their right to run for election is deprived even if they receive more than 1 million won. According to the 6-3-3 principle now, it should be completed within June of next year. Then, since this is an issue that ends two years before the presidential election, representative Lee Jae-myung will put his life and death on the judgment on this. However, apart from judicial risk, I think what is more important to CEO Lee Jae-myung is his approval rating. So, if representative Lee Jae-myung continues to maintain his current approval rating at the end of this year, the beginning of next year, and the Lunar New Year's Day public sentiment, he will continue to show the possibility of maintaining the unilateral system apart from judicial risk, but the second trial of the Public Official Election Act should be held within February next year, according to the 633 principle, but if the second trial makes a final ruling or is found guilty, the Supreme Court only judges whether it is a legal trial or not. Even in that case, if the approval rating continues, representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk will not be a variable, but if it shakes then, representative Lee Jae-myung's centrifugal power will inevitably falter, so those points should be taken into account.

[Anchor]
There are a lot of big things going on this week. Starting with today's ruling, on the 28th, the Democratic Party of Korea can launch a more rental offensive with the re-vote of the Kim Special Counsel Act. How is the atmosphere now?

[Park Sungmin]
Rather, it has laid the foundation for gaining confidence and going. If the judicial risk problem has deepened a little, the Democratic Party of Korea would have had a little weakness in attacking or criticizing the ruling party's issues. Rather, the acquittal this time gave the Democratic Party more confidence and a reason to point out not only about public welfare policies or various discussions, but also the Kim Gun-hee issue and the Myung Tae-kyun risk. That's why I think I should be more nervous about my passport from now on. In the meantime, CEO Lee Jae-myung will be arrested unconditionally or arrested in court, so not only that, but he will also be guilty unconditionally. Or you'll get the best sentence, and there were a lot of politicians in the ruling party who were expected to send that message. However, what I have always said at that time, the public will certainly evaluate such a move to seek the interests of the ruling party using Chairman Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk as a stepping stone. I thought that the ruling party should strengthen itself and not keep leaning on the other party. In fact, as you can see this time, the power of the people has actually lost words as they are acquitted of the perjury teacher problem. So, rather, we face such realistic problems as internal strife within the people's power or pointing out that the economy as a whole is difficult now. Therefore, this move to point out the government's mistakes, including the Democratic Party's various special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee's law, is expected to be strengthened.

[Anchor]
There was a movement within the Democratic Party or in the pan-night area. There was talk about Shin 3 Kim, and there was talk about Rep. Choo Mi-ae while thinking about Plan B. Will that subside?

[Choi Soo-young]
From the beginning, I thought it wouldn't be easy. It's because 3 guns, 3 gim. There are talks about the former three prime ministers and the three Kims, but look at Kim Dong-yeon, governor of Gyeonggi Province. When I visited Suwon Market at that time, Lee Jae-myung's second term showed me a very polite and polite performance. In the end, from the standpoint of the non-government community, it will probably stretch only when Lee Jae-myung is convicted in the second trial of the real Public Official Election Act, leaning on Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk rather than a short-term maneuver. Criticizing Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk in front of Lee Jae-myung, who has completed a one-way system within the Democratic Party of Korea, I would like to describe it as stepping on a cross. Who would dare do that? It's a game of your own political life and then what happened when you voted for an arrest motion last year? Park Kwang-on, the floor leader at the time, resigned immediately and did not receive the nomination. Because of the so-called Park Kwang-on learning effect, there will be no attempt within the Democratic Party to shake the so-called unipolar system of representative Lee Jae-myung. However, I think the two variables I mentioned, the first is the approval rating issue, as I said before, whether the approval rating is maintained, and the second is the plan B, plan C. Apart from this, it is a matter of survival, and then a way forward for the Democratic Party, but in reality, I think it will be difficult for me right now.

[Anchor]
CEO Lee Jae-myung, anyway, you have to go back and forth between Seoul and Suwon while going on several trials, but do you continue to hold outdoor rallies?

[Park Sungmin]
In the case of outdoor rallies, there is a slight change in the atmosphere. I can't tell you that I'm not going to do it, I'm going to do it, but I'm going to continue some rallies under the leadership of the Democratic Party alone. This move seems to be abating at the moment. For example, it is right to continue the rally led by civil society groups, but I understand that the Democratic Party continues to be the center and does not take it to the Democratic Party's own rally. That's why I think we will focus more on what we can do in the National Assembly and what we can do through the status of a political party through the National Assembly or through the status of a politician, rather than strengthening or raising the outdoor assembly.

[Anchor]
In the power of the people, representative Han Dong-hoon is guilty of perjury, but the teacher is innocent. It's hard to accept, but I respect the court's judgment anyway. How did you like it?

[Choi Soo-young]
I think it's a given. From Han Dong-hoon's point of view, he talked about the perjury teacher during the last arrest agreement and explained the proposal as the attorney general, so he probably expected a lot of it legally. Since the prosecution asked for three years, they expected to be convicted of something, but the court acquitted them anyway, so in the second trial, we say that law is the least common sense, but in fact, given that it is the least common sense, so this is a matter that the prosecution will legally contend with in the second trial, not pressuring the Walgawalbu court with this from the power of the people. So, I think there was proper writing, but anyway, CEO Han Dong-hoon would have expected that he wanted to use this as power. However, I also think it is difficult to do so as if Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk is the only scoring point of the people's power. Therefore, representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk is a matter of representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk, and the people's power can be loved in the second half of the game through scoring again. As representative Han Dong-hoon briefly commented, I think we should now think about how the people's power will advance the ruling party's appearance in the second half of the game through how the party-government consultation is conducted.

[Anchor]
The power of the people has internal strife, but I think there was a plan to use it as an opportunity to change the situation anyway, but it seems that a setback has become inevitable.

[Park Sungmin]
Looking at CEO Han Dong-hoon's message like that, I spoke out to the court to judge according to the law before the first trial of the Public Official Election Act came out. Then, this time, he added, "I respect the ruling."Ma actually sent a message that it is difficult to agree with the judiciary's judgment if you look at the key message. So when I look at this, I think that he expressed a kind of embarrassment very intuitively that the card that the people's power could use has disappeared. That's why it looks like you've been caught inside. As a result, representative Han Dong-hoon has not been able to concentrate on his policies as the head of the ruling party or the leadership of the political situation, so his lack of confidence resulted in excessive expectation of representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk, and in fact, he focused his attacks on this area by mentioning representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial issues. However, this strategy has actually failed. Representative Han Dong-hoon's strategy of trying to establish his political position in that way was very hurtful. As it seems like this, representative Han Dong-hoon's failed strategy of relying on representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk has already failed once in the last general election and failed again this time.

[Anchor]
In this situation, there is also a public debate over the controversy over the party's bulletin board surrounding Han Dong-hoon, the leader of the People's Power. The factional conflict is growing. Let's listen to the related remarks.

[Kim Min-jeon / Supreme Council member of People's Power: There was an article that said that people who write such as Han Dong-hoon's resignation will file a complaint. I don't know if that's true or not. If I say I'm going to file a complaint, I've received a text message asking me to resign countless times. I'll also get all those numbers, so please file a complaint. ]

[Han Dong-hoon / Representative of People's Power: Please check the facts before you speak. No one is preparing such a complaint. ]

[Kim Min-jeon / Supreme Council Member of People's Power: I don't know if it's true or not, but I said it after seeing the article. ]

[Han Dong-hoon / Representative of People's Power: I don't know what you mean. ]

[Anchor]
It happened at the morning meeting. He attacked right where he was and refuted it again. How did you like it?

[Choi Soo-young]
From the perspective of conservative supporters, I don't think it would be out of the blue. Three weeks after the president's press conference and state affairs talks, the conflict between the ruling party and the government has been restored to the original team, and apart from Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk, the president has traveled abroad, and now various noise within the ruling party is disappearing and even the words of Yoon conflict are disappearing. And what does the post on the bulletin board have to do with the future of the people's power, and these stories can come out at a closed meeting of the Supreme Council, but there are more images of leadership taking out prepared things and then attacking each other. There must have been embarrassing images of Lee Jae-myung's first trial today, so many people are focusing on it, and what kind of articles are on the party's bulletin board?
But all the statements made by the Supreme Council, especially those made public, should actually be a vision for the future in the power of the people. Isn't the government and the ruling party responsible for all state affairs? And it's not a closed meeting, it's all the statements of the public meeting, and I'm actually wondering if the story is that important with all the media taking it. What's more important is that this problem is getting bigger and bigger here now. So, I can't help but point out the problem whether this is a problem that will grow that big. I'm very disappointed that the power of the people who are so unmanageable can manage the situation on issues like this. But we can't go further on this issue now. We need to evolve early, but I think CEO Han Dong-hoon expresses his position on this, even if it's short, rather than being selective about it. Because for the post of Han Dong-hoon, I drew the line, "I'm not." As such, I think that this problem should evolve a little early so that the problem will not become a little more serious within the party.

[Anchor]
The pro-yoon community has been constantly attacking, but one representative has been silent. However, since these remarks were made in public today, it was a movement that seemed to change its attitude, such as making a determined statement. How do you look at this background?

[Park Sungmin]
So, if you look at it now, it is true that the controversy over the bulletin board of the party has not been properly sorted out. Because this time, we conducted a full investigation, including posts posted under the name of a representative family from the People's Power, and there were several slanderous posts. I made a presentation like this, but the suspicion that the pro-Yoon-gye is raising now is not to check the type of slander, but to check who wrote it. However, my family didn't write about this part, I just need this one sentence, but Han's position on this part is not clear. That's why I feel like I'm watching a crazy drama. Issues continue to be raised over this part, and the controversy drags on in the absence of clear statements that representative Han Dong-hoon has shown so far. From the people's point of view, it's a very unnecessary and exhausting issue. I don't understand why I can't organize this so much, but on the other hand, it seems clear that there is a movement to shake up representative Han Dong-hoon using this controversy over the party bulletin board. So, if you look at it, you might say that the Yoon-Han conflict disappeared, but I think that the proxy war or the escalation of the Yoon-Han conflict continues, and the aftershocks still remain.

[Anchor]
We even conducted a total survey of more than 1,000 posts posted under the name of CEO Han Dong-hoon and Han's family, and even announced the details from the power of the people. There are also criticisms such as how a smart representative went where when the controversy has not subsided. Is there any solution?

[Choi Soo-young]
In this regard, CEO Han Dong-hoon has no choice but to solve the problem anyway. We have to make a loop and solve it clearly like cutting out a knot. The reason why this is a problem is that we call the political assets owned by representative Han Dong-hoon symbolic capital. Symbolic capital exists in all presidential candidates and leadership-level officials. So, for President Yoon Suk Yeol, there was fairness and common sense. CEO Lee Jae-myung had basic income and regional development, and CEO Han Dong-hoon seemed legally clean and morally and ethically perfect, and even if the risk of pollack bacteria comes out like a gate now, not a single word of CEO Han Dong-hoon's name can be mentioned. To that extent, he has a fresh and clean image of a politician who can open a new era, but he seems to be constantly wavering on this issue and not explaining his position, which could lead to damage to symbolic capital, which could lead to the presidential election in the future, so I need to organize it quickly. It's not the right or wrong of an issue, it's not the important issue, and it shakes me. Then, I agree with some of the principled arguments that there is no need to focus party power on checking the substance of the message on the party's bulletin board, but if you don't, the problem will not end early, so how long will you take this problem? That's what I want to ask you. So the way to evolve early is if CEO Han Dong-hoon has no choice but to make an advanced position on this issue, I will tell you that it is not far away and that it is more necessary to do it in a short time.

[Anchor]
Shin Ji-ho, the head of the Strategic Planning Department of the People's Power, said that this is the so-called "reading and chewing controversy" that does not answer the second time. Do you look like it now?

[Choi Soo-young]
Actually, I think it's a little bit of a gangster. The controversy over the failure to read and answer the text is actually...

[Anchor]
Wait a minute, critic. I'm sorry. It's the second thing I read and didn't answer. You were responding to this point.

[Choi Soo-young]
The reason why I answered that it was a bit of a robust meeting was because it was an important issue that could determine an important victory or defeat after the controversy, and isn't that a controversy that emerged again in the last party leadership race? But what happened as a result? Nevertheless, wasn't it necessary to give votes to Han Dong-hoon, who has to open a new future, and the party leader won more than 60% of the vote? But it's not appropriate to compare it to this. This issue should be neatly sorted out by CEO Han Dong-hoon, and the controversy that CEO Han Dong-hoon did not answer after reading the text of Kim Gun-hee, who was the main subject at the time, was Kim Gun-hee, and if CEO Han Dong-hoon was the target, this time it is CEO Han Dong-hoon. So, I'm pointing out that the problem itself is different, but I think there's a little wrong with such a strategy for situation management that seems to be leading this problem in the long term.

[Anchor]
In the midst of this, Chung Jin-seok, chief of staff to the president's office, reportedly gathered at lunch with about 40 ruling party lawmakers, including floor leader Choo Kyung-ho. They talked while eating. These movements, what does it mean in the end?

[Park Sungmin]
There could be two things. For now, there will be a re-voting on the Kim Gun-hee Special Counsel Act, and if this re-voting is carried out, it may result in a departure vote because it is voted anonymously. So, if there are only eight leave votes, the president's veto power can be neutralized, so it may be seen as a crackdown on lawmakers' votes at this crossroads. On the other hand, the controversy over the bulletin board of the party we just dealt with is actually strengthening the confrontation between the pro-Yoon-gye and the pro-Yoon-gye. Under these circumstances, the presidential office's continued expansion of contacts with lawmakers could be a form of demonstration, a rally, or at the same time a strategic move to further reduce the political influence of Rep. Han Dong-hoon.

[Anchor]
On the 22nd, Senior Secretary for Political Affairs Hong Chul-ho had a luncheon with 30 lawmakers, is this the kind of measure to prevent a breakaway vote when the independent counsel law actually returns to the National Assembly?

[Choi Soo-young]
I don't want to expand the interpretation to that extent. Isn't it budget Jungkook? And at a time when the Democratic Party is determined to cut much of the presidential office budget and the Democratic Party is threatening to cut the actual prosecution and police special activities, the presidential chief of staff should communicate with lawmakers not only next year's budget but also various political situations. I don't think it's appropriate to look at Han Dong-hoon's isolation or the president's office's solo play with this. And the talk of the special prosecutor and then the vote will be held again on the 24th. I think there may be enough cases in the presidential office to manage the situation rather than the ruling party managing votes on this part. However, rather than contacting the lawmakers separately, high-ranking officials in the presidential office are Han Dong-hoon's passing, and there are budget political situations from both sides and various bills and policies, so I think there is no need to expand the interpretation to that extent because I think saying that this is to kill a specific person or that it is an over-face in the presidential office is rather undermining the spirit of the original team.

[Anchor]
At the plenary session on the 28th, how much do you think the vote of departure will come from the power of the people when the special prosecutor Kim's law is re-voted?

[Park Sungmin]
I think I can come out. But we'll have to see if that leave vote will reach 8 votes.Ma thinks it may increase more than the last four votes. First of all, there must be a sense of crisis that the controversy over the intervention of the nomination related to Kim Gun-hee continues to grow into a risk of Myung Tae-kyun's feet. And if the special prosecution law is proposed again and reissued, and the president exercises his veto power in the meantime, the bad news for the ruling party will be prolonged. The ruling party may have some kind of conviction vote that they should sort out what they need to organize because they were trying to lean on Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk, but that strategy is no longer working.

[Anchor]
I'll make it short to see if there's a leave vote.

[Choi Soo-young]
I'm sure I got four votes last time, it's going to be smaller than that. This is an issue that the people's power will not agree on no matter how the Democratic Party wraps up the special prosecution, so I think a single team will work more strongly than a breakaway vote. Let me tell you this.

[Anchor]
I see. Today, we joined Focus Night political commentator Choi Soo-young and former Democratic Party supreme council member Park Sung-min. Thank you.