Han Dong-hoon, "Response to judge's intimidation"...Lee Jae-myung, "Only if the special prosecution passes"

■ Host: Anchor Kim Youngsoo Kim, Anchor Yoon Bori
■ Starring: Kim Hyung-joon, Chair Professor of Bae Jae-dae, Director of Insight K Research Center Bae Jong-chan

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsON] when quoting.

[Anchor]
Let's start <Politics On> looking at the outside and inside of politics. Today, I will analyze it with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor of Bae Jae-dae, and Bae Jong-chan, head of InSight K Research Institute. Please come in. Lee Jae-myung's alleged violation of the election law came out last Friday as a result of the first trial. There's a backlash. Let's look at the first keyword. CEO Lee Jae-myung told supporters after the first trial that "Lee Jae-myung never dies." I'll check what he said through the video today.

Representative Lee Jae-myung was sentenced to one year in prison and suspended for two years in the first trial for violating the election law. There is a backlash, and representative Lee Jae-myung said that he will not die at the rally on Saturday, and today he strongly criticized the prosecution without talking about the related trial. How did you see it?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
First of all, the court's ruling is the first trial. As CEO Lee Jae-myung said, the trial will continue in the future. For example, there are appeals and trials. So whether it's a court of history or a court of public opinion, it's very retroactive. As soon as I hear that I will not die, I have no choice but to interpret it as meaning that I am denying the judiciary's ruling now. For example, it's not that I'm going to be acquitted through clearer evidence or legal principles, but that I'm not going to die unconditionally, so for example, I won't admit the judiciary's ruling in the end. Looking at this ruling, there are some implications.

The first is that Korea's public office election law is very strict, although I have repeatedly emphasized it. But two of them are very strict. The first is the distribution of money and valuables, and the second is the dissemination of false information. So, isn't the content of the court's ruling regarding the spread of false information? The part related to the late Kim Moon-ki is that he deliberately lied to make the election advantageous in order to cut off the suspicion of Daejang-dong.

Another surprising thing is that people usually say that there are many progressive judges in the case of the International Association for the Study of Human Rights Law, but the first trial judge. But it can be said that it didn't affect it at all. In that sense, it has proven that political pressure or public opinion offensive cannot eventually give some influence to the judiciary's judgment.

In that sense, rather than shouting that Lee Jae-myung is not dying, I think he implies that he may not be able to bring the intended results if he continues to lead to political attacks by modifying the strategic aspects he has taken so far.

[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea launched a general offensive today, criticizing the floor leader for judicial murder and strongly criticizing it as the worst ruling and political judgment. I think the Democratic Party has decided on a certain direction. How did you see it?

[Bae Jong Chan]
That's right. It's a political response. So supporters will be able to rally against the political response to the outcome of the trial. So, Chairman Lee Jae-myung did not go to a rally to condemn the prosecution, but he went to a rally on Saturday 16th, the day after the first trial ruling, and more importantly, it seems to participate in the political response. Therefore, it will be necessary to respond legally and logically enough to overturn the judgment of the first trial. The people know that, too.

In that case, the middle class sympathizes, so even if the political response is followed, the power can be strengthened. Therefore, if the basis for the logical and legal response is not sufficiently prepared, political responses alone will not build a thick public consensus. So what's important from now on even in the Democratic Party is that it's only important to do a very specific and meticulous legal response.

[Anchor]
Representative Lee Jae-myung is the first trial, but isn't he losing his position as a lawmaker? He is deprived of his right to run for 10 years, and from the perspective of the Democratic Party of Korea, he has to return 43.4 billion won in election subsidies. At the Democratic Party level, the rally will continue next week. How do you see the Democratic Party's response?

[Bae Jong Chan]
The question is, will it work very well? For it to work, as I said, what's more important than the Democratic Party or before is the trial of Lee Jae-myung. Since it is not the Democratic Party's trial, but the trial of Representative Lee Jae-myung, representative Lee Jae-myung's lawyers should prepare for a very meticulous and detailed legal refutation and response. So, even from the point of view of the people in the middle class with political orientation, and from the point of view of the voters, they should be able to secure a consensus that the first trial ruling might have been wrong if it was such a rebuttal.

But if it's simply political murder, what content is political murder? So if it's innocent, it's the best verdict, but is it a political murder because it's guilty? Because we have no choice but to interpret it like this. What's important now and in the future is how legally the people pat their knees and say, "Oh, these lawyers' logical defense is right," and then the first thing to do is to be specific.

[Anchor]
Now, Democratic Party Chairman Lee Jae-myung emphasized the special prosecution again today. President Yoon Suk Yeol emphasized that there is a high possibility that he will exercise his veto power and that the special prosecutor must pass. What is the background of emphasizing the passage of Kim Gun-hee's special prosecution?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
There are a lot of things. In particular, didn't you come up with an amendment, not just an independent counsel? Since the investigation targets were compressed into two and changed to a third-party recommendation method such as the Supreme Court, didn't CEO Han Dong-hoon talk about a third-party recommendation method in relation to Chae's special prosecution? I think there are some parts that are trying to apply it to the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor Act. In the end, the first purpose is to divide the ruling camp, which is a strategy taken in such a way as to how many insurrection votes can come out, but it's a relatively unfavorable condition for the Democratic Party right now.

First of all, it will not be easy because the conflict structure is temporarily closed with President Yoon Suk Yeol and Representative Han Dong-hoon, and the second is that the ruling on Representative Lee Jae-myung is now in place, so of course, there is a part where they unite and fight as a single team.

Nevertheless, there are two sides to continuing to talk about the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor Act. In any case, the first is to change the results of Lee Jae-myung's current trial to the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor's Act by shaking them, and the other frame is like this. Since the family members of the motherland, including both Lee Jae-myung and Kim Hye-kyung, have all been brought to justice, it is also likely that they will re-decide on the Kim Gun-hee independent counsel bill, regardless of the outcome, because they also intend to change the issue to that frame: "Why are the family members involved in Yoon Suk Yeol not being judged?" I don't know if it will be November 28th or when it will be, but there is no change in that position of continuing to go on a political offensive with that political purpose, but what you and I are saying is that it is too boring.

Even if it did so until the conclusion was reached, the ruling would be surprising. Then, at least, we should replace all the lawyers in the first trial and take something new that can be understood by the public. If we say we show the same behavior before or after the results of the trial, and moreover, there are many expectations that a more severe ruling will be made on the 25th regarding the perjury teacher issue, so I think Lee Jae-myung's concerns should deepen in this regard.

[Anchor]
Cho Eung-cheon, the head of the New Reform Party, said in an interview today that the Democratic Party of Korea seems to be in a political struggle because it has to take a judicial action in the trial. At the same time, he expressed that he would not be able to get off because he was on the back of a tiger from the Democratic Party's point of view. How do you see it?

[Bae Jong Chan]
That's the situation. It's hard to switch now, and that doesn't mean we can't not take legal action. But the important thing is that this is the first trial. Since the perjury teacher on the 25th is also the first trial, the next two trials are factual and the Supreme Court is legal. Then, even if the prosecution makes an appeal, the prosecution will submit it with evidence, and if so, even if such a political response is made, the more important thing is that the legal response must be very tight. Otherwise, it's hard to get the consensus of the middle class.

Because what's more important is the content of the judgment than whether it's guilty or not guilty. Even from the perspective of the general public, the content of the judgment can be understood because the popularity has increased now. Considering the contents of the judgment, it is not easy to be innocent even if it goes to the Supreme Court. Aren't those analyses coming out right now? Then it will be more difficult for Lee Jae-myung or the Democratic Party. So, I'm criticizing the prosecution because I'm a political party while responding very legally, so I may be able to accompany such a political response, but I shouldn't miss the legal response.

[Anchor]
After the first trial today, the special prosecutor Lee Jae-myung emphasized at the first meeting said that President Yoon Suk Yeol will veto it and go through a re-decision, which should be passed at the re-decision. However, in the case of people's power, 108 seats and four votes were left last time, so what do you expect about the possibility of further departure?

[Bae Jong-chan]
It's hard. One of the three conditions must be possible for the independent counsel law to pass. Whether the president of Yoon Suk Yeol accepts it or not. Whether CEO Han Dong-hoon accepts it or not, CEO Han Dong-hoon does not. Then there should be an individual deviation of the lawmakers, but if someone leaves three or four people now, they will have no choice but to get on the traitor frame. Why? President Yoon Suk Yeol and representative Han Dong-hoon did not separate, but if someone leaves, it will be defined by the judgment of the individual lawmaker.

Then it goes into the so-called traitor frame. At least the president's approval rating needs to come down at least in order for the number of defectors to increase from 4 last time to be more than 8. President Yoon Suk Yeol and Representative Han Dong-hoon are almost on the verge of separation, and individual lawmakers have to go to the point where they no longer have to play their role for President Yoon Suk Yeol so that a departure vote can be passed on the independent counsel law, no matter how anonymous it is. As Professor Kim Hyung-joon said earlier, there is also the first trial sentence of representative Lee Jae-myung, so even if the independent counsel law is re-decided, it is difficult to pass it at this time.

[Anchor]
I'll look at the next keyword and solve it again. On the 25th, there will be a first trial on the charges of perjury. Please show us the keyword. Today, CEO Han Dong-hoon used the expression, "It's not the end." With the first trial of Lee Jae-myung's perjury teacher case just a week away, Han insisted that the trial is not the end and that he will continue to be guilty. On the other hand, Rep. Jung Sung-ho of the Democratic Party expected Lee to be innocent, saying he was not intentional. Let's listen to it.

Representative Jung Sung-ho is close to representative Lee Jae-myung. We text each other often. As soon as the first trial was sentenced, I talked to CEO Lee on the phone, and he said he wasn't that worried. What is CEO Lee Jae-myung's inner feelings like now?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
But it's actually the other way around. So far, I thought that there would be a sentence to the level of defense in relation to the election law, but on the contrary, it was a universal trend that the perjury teacher problem was not taken very dark and seriously, so two things can be seen as key issues. As lawmaker Jung Sung-ho said, there was no intention. They say, "Just tell me what you remember," how is that a perjury teacher, but the problem is that the person who received the perjury teacher testified sufficiently about the perjury teacher in court.

This is the first one, and the second one is lawmaker Jung Sung-ho, didn't you read what Judge Yoo Chang-hoon did at the last warrant review? What did it say? The judge said that the perjury teacher seems to have become a calling. It's nothing. If so, it's not easy to avoid him in his own way, and CEO Han Dong-hoon also says that a lot. In the case of perjury teachers, about 80% of them are sentenced. Of course, there are fines. However, in this case, I think there is evidence in a very clear way, and the other thing that the judiciary hates the most right now is perjury teachers. That's cheating on the court.

In this regard, the dominant public opinion is that it should be strictly controlled by obstruction of justice, so I think there is a very high possibility that Lee Jae-myung could receive a very difficult ruling.

[Anchor]
If Representative Lee Jae-myung is sentenced to quite a heavy sentence in the first trial of perjury on the 25th, wouldn't it be a big blow to Lee Jae-myung's leadership? How do you view it?

[Bae Jong Chan]
It's a fatal blow. Some say why are you talking about it as if it were going to be a prison sentence, but there will be no shaking of Chairman Lee Jae-myung or of the Democratic Party of Korea right now, but as I said earlier, when we reflect on the contents of the ruling, will it be reversed when we go all the way to the Supreme Court? It is inevitably very important whether a consensus is formed on that part. Because as the Democratic Party of Korea, if it is found guilty of not being able to wait 5 or 10 years, we cannot run for president. So what's very important is that I need to argue legally.

Even now, the legal profession says that we should go inevitably rather than argue about whether it is intentional or not. Why? Why was CEO Lee Jae-myung so forced to do it at that time? You have to talk about the inevitability. Aren't we, too? It is possible to conduct an undercover investigation and talk about its inevitability, but it has never been. It's a form of continuing to deny. The court is very reluctant to deny it all the time. So there is a reality that a trial is a result.

First, the prosecution is already seeking three years. The Public Official Election Act was also requested for two years, but it was half of it, a year. Next, Kim Jin-sung, who is related to the perjury teacher, is already guilty again. And the third is that previous rulings related to this perjury teacher have many similar cases of guilt. Then, intentionality, so isn't lawmaker Jung Sung-ho also a legal professional? In this case, it is very difficult for the court to make other judgments, despite the need to emphasize publicity more about the inevitability of talking about it more legally instead of going like this. Then, when the judgment is issued in this state, the impact on Representative Lee Jae-myung or the Democratic Party of Korea should be considered to be significant when looking at the contents of the judgment as guilty or innocent.

[Anchor]
No one knows how the second trial will turn out. How do you think Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the Democratic Party, should break through the crisis now?

[Bae Jong Chan]
I reiterate that the first is a very good legal response. So, aren't there many cases where trials are overturned in appeals because they are good at pleading in the United States other than us? In the judgment of so many people, the trial could be overturned at this rate, which should be very legal. Second, at least politically, I think the Democratic Party of Korea under Chairman Lee Jae-myung is the majority of the National Assembly. I'm taking care of people's livelihoods at this critical time. You have to play that role again. At the same time, I think that when the Democratic Party of Korea is doing its job properly, the people may have some thoughts and public opinion may change, and it will have an effect on the legal response.

[Anchor]
People's Power has formed a TF at the party level, and representative Han Dong-hoon argues that the election law trial was the lightest. There are four things right now. There are allegations of violation of the Public Official Election Act, charges related to perjury teachers, Daejang-dong and Wirye New Town, and suspicions of remittance to North Korea. However, among them, Baekhyun-dong is located in Daejang-dong and Wirye New Town, and the court actually said that the allegations related to Baekhyun-dong were actually guilty.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. In fact, isn't there a second trial sentence for Gyeonggi Province Governor Lee Hwa-young on the 29th? But in reality, the issue of remittances to Daejang-dong, Baekhyun-dong, and even to North Korea is so complicated that we don't know when this will end. But what is very difficult for CEO Lee Jae-myung right now is that the election law and perjury teacher are in November, right? At the end of the first trial, the election law is supposed to end within a year, but this time it took two years and two months.

But because Justice Cho Hee-dae clearly tells me to keep this, I believe that if the principle is followed, all election laws and perjury teachers will be finished by the Supreme Court ruling next year. In that case, it is true that there are certain areas that will inevitably be shaken if a sentence is issued not only for the loss of parliamentary seats but also for the deprivation of the right to run for president.

That's why I'd do the part I'm talking about right now. an interruption of an outdoor gathering Now, it is necessary to show that outdoor rallies are no longer bulletproof rallies. And outdoor rallies are the last resort for the minority party in the National Assembly. But how will the people accept that the opposition party, which has a large number of seats in the National Assembly and has all parliamentary power, goes out to the outdoor assembly and does it?

The international relationship, which is important now, including the people's livelihood, is progressing tremendously complicated, but now we have to go to trial by changing our strategy to take care of people's livelihoods and really normalize politics, and it is one of the worst things in my view to continue to take this as a political offensive, pressure and intimidation. And one more thing, I want to ask the Democratic Party a little bit. Is there only representative Lee Jae-myung in the Democratic Party? There could be other good candidates. There are Kim Dong-yeon, Kim Kyung-soo, and Kim Boo-kyum, so why do we have to go all-in to Lee Jae-myung? The first question.

The second thing is, is this a case involving Democrats? I don't understand why the Democratic Party of Korea should go all-in on the events related to Lee Jae-myung, and the third is that it should take care of people's livelihoods, but it is only a political battle, so I want to ask you if you have such a goal of re-creating the government. If I take too much of an outdoor rally or political offensive, I think it could be a bigger disaster.

[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea has said before this ruling and before the first trial that even if Lee Jae-myung is found guilty, there will be no damage to leadership at all. In fact, there seems to be no voice from the screaming world within the party.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's not really the case. We've heard a lot about the butterfly effect. It could cause a tornado in Texas as it flaps its wings in Brazil. The butterfly effect is that small changes can have huge consequences. Why wouldn't there be a trial butterfly effect, in common sense. As I said, if the second trial comes out within three to six months, the Supreme Court will say that it is difficult to change it because it is a legal trial, then, as I said on this show, there is no choice but to come up with a new plan B of its own to counter Lee Jae-myung's strategy and Lee Jae-myung.

Otherwise, it's not a political party. In my view, it is not a basic attitude as a public party to go to such an absurd strategy of protecting the Lee Jae-myung unilateral system despite the fact that if the purpose of a political party is to create a regime, it cannot run in the presidential election.

[Anchor]
I see. Kim Boo-kyum, Kim Kyung-soo, and Kim Dong-yeon. You talked about Shin 3 Kim. You talked about Plan B, but there was a related interview in today's radio interview. Let's move on to the next story. The next keyword is a dot. There have been various analyses and interpretations from the political community over whether there is a possibility of a non-crime if Lee Jae-myung is convicted of perjury teacher charges, but he is from the Democratic Party. Cho Eung-cheon, head of the New Reform Party, made this prospect with former lawmaker Lee Sang-min. Let's listen to it.

Both of them were Democrats. In the case of Cho Eung-cheon, he predicted that the Shin 3 Kim alternative theory would not be easy. At the same time, representative Lee Jae-myung insisted that there would be no other way than an early presidential election. How do you see it?

[Bae Jong Chan]
But I'm asking if early presidential election is possible. Therefore, influencing and hitting the representative Lee Jae-myung system is inevitable, so would it be Kim Boo-kyum, Kim Dong-yeon, and Kim Kyung-soo, who are called Shin 3 Kims? I don't think so. It's the so-called wife's temptation effect, which is a dot among the characters around the so-called relatives. Is this the temptation of my wife, a drama that changes right away with a dot, is it going to be me, I'm going to do it, is it?

[Anchor]
Who do you think will be the leader? Close to

[Bae Jong-chan]
{Jeong Cheong-rae and Kim Min-seok, who served as the chief supreme council member or the supreme council member, will be listed. But the key here is this part. I don't think it will shake right away. Although it is not immediately shaken, Honam public opinion is the most important over time. Honam public opinion has not been completely united under Lee Jae-myung's system even recently. Even if we looked at the re-election last time, the Democratic Party candidate was elected in Gokseong, but only 41% of the vote was won. I couldn't get more than half of it. And white collar in the 40s, luxury, Honam, 40s, and white collar are the basis for the Democratic Party's support, and I think this condition is important.

So, when representative Lee Jae-myung is hit harder and practical alternatives emerge, around the time of the second trial, when Yoon Suk Yeol's positive approval rating rises by 35%, and when representative Han Dong-hoon, people's power, and conservative candidates lead representative Lee Jae-myung in the next political leadership survey. In this way, it becomes a synchro with the risk of Lee Jae-myung's trial. I don't think that point will be immediately. However, if this first trial, the 25th, is also convicted, and the second trial becomes quite controversial, the impact will inevitably come.

[Anchor]
I see. There is no shaking right now, but we will have to wait and see after the second trial, and Honam public opinion is very important, and the change in the approval ratings of the runners, especially President Yoon Suk Yeol, is also important. How do you see it?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The United States has changed significantly before and after the 9/11 attacks. 9. You see 11 as a very important starting point. It's often seen as a tipping point. That's the part that can eventually connect to today's second Trump system. However, the early presidential election issues we are talking about now are all before the trial results come out. Didn't you get a year of trial results against your expectations? This is a signal that there is little hope even if you go to the second trial. Why don't you know that?

Despite such a situation, Lee Jae-myung's sub-class, Lee Jae-myung becomes a person who has been spotted by Lee Jae-myung? I think the political sense has become very dull because the two of you have moved away from politics. I don't think the idea that Lee Jae-myung can replace him when he is shaking like that is an accurate judgment in my view.

[Anchor]
Isn't it clear that Chairman Lee Jae-myung has control of the party now?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Being in control is one thing, and being away from public sentiment is another. That's why I always say this. Do you know what the Grand National Party's president Lee Hoi-chang's share of the vote was in January 2002 ahead of the presidential election? It's close to 50 percent. Everyone said that the president was Lee Hoi-chang. What happened? In the end, as the Roh Moo Hyun storm, which had a public participation competition system, eventually occurred, President Lee Hoi-chang was eliminated again, right? It was a powerful Lee Hoi-chang system comparable to Lee Jae-myung's one-party system. Isn't the Lee Hoi-chang system not shaking? Even so, even though President Lee Hoi-chong is not legally a judicial judgment like representative Lee Jae-myung. I'm telling you. Small changes have huge consequences.

Another thing is, as I said earlier, lawmaker Cho Eung-cheon doesn't know that either, personally not, but elections and politics are solidarity. Even if an individual looks weak, they can have strong power through solidarity and there are many cards that can be pressed through it. Right now, the three new Kims have something in common: pro-Roh and pro-Moon, right? It's not my friend. Considering these aspects, there is a very high possibility that changes will come slowly, and there are also parts that can come quickly. Considering that, I can say that it is quite a crisis in the midst of a crisis for representative Lee Jae-myung.

[Anchor]
I see. In the midst of this, Rep. Choi Min-hee of the Democratic Party will kill if the screaming world moves. It's controversial for saying this. Hwang Jung-ah, a spokesman for the Democratic Party of Korea, drew the line, saying it is not a party-level position. I think there is also a side that the level has increased a little because it was made at the rally site.

[Bae Jong Chan]
Considering Rep. Choi Min-hee's tendency and such, the fact that it is a rally site may come out at the scene. Another strong statement attempting to unite the pro-Myeong community came out. But what effect will it have when you listen to this and interpret it on the show? There may be headwinds or side effects. Because if the Honam public opinion is too excessive, there will be a backlash.

Let's consider a few cases when we make remarks on a politician's issue. Does it sound like a rally or a push, or is it likeable or unfavorable? Or reasonable or incendiary. I'll just collect what I think is good. If you are united, likeable, and reasonable, the extension extends to the middle. Of course, it's not easy to manage all these things when you make a political statement.Rather, if you really want to represent Lee Jae-myung, you should make more remarks that are rallying, favorable, and reasonable.

[Anchor]
I see.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
But let's see who's going to die. They say they're going to kill them together, but I want to see them once. Let's see who dies. Strictly speaking, that's killing Lee Jae-myung. As it goes out that way, representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk is strengthened and public sentiment is worse. The second is a very complacent attitude after seeing Hwang Jung-ah's comment. I'm telling you it's not on the party level? You all know how heinous that comment is now.

Anyway, we have to take action. I don't know that continuing to take it that way can be toxic to Chairman Lee Jae-myung, and even if it's just a personal thing to do for Chairman Lee Jae-myung, I think there should be a measure at the party level to realize that it is killing the Democratic Party and killing Lee Jae-myung.

[Anchor]
I've heard two reviews saying that too strong remarks could backfire. Let's look at the Gallup poll from last week and the Realmeter poll from today. The president's approval rating seems to have stopped falling. Looking at it, the Gallup survey rose 3 percentage points to 20%. The Realmeter survey also showed a 1.4% rise, but the decline seems to have stopped for now. How should I look at it?

[Bae Jong Chan]
So shouldn't urgent fire be big and torrential rain should be avoided? That's the president's press conference on the 7th. Aside from the evaluation of the press conference, it had the effect of rebounding the approval rating that was clearly falling. The president apologized, and First Lady Kim Gun-hee also worked. The other is that if Yoon Han-gal continued after that, the TK and PK supporters would have left more.

However, in the case of Gallup Korea or Gallup Korea, the TK approval rating has increased, and in the case of Realmeter you will see later, the PK approval rating has increased. This is definitely the effect of the glossy conflict being sealed and settled for now. Although it was not reflected in the investigation, the fact that this trend can continue a little longer in the future is the effect of reflective profits on Lee Jae-myung's first trial sentence. This is also not included in the survey you see today, but the trend of this trend rising little by little in the future is still expected to have a reflective benefit effect on Lee Jae-myung's first trial sentence.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Since the approval rating is so low, even if the Gallup Korea went up by 3 percentage points, it is 20%. So it's not high. However, the reason why I said that it will probably go up last week is that if it goes down to 10%, the conservatives will have no choice but to rally, including President Yoon Suk Yeol's press conference and Representative Han Dong-hoon's temporary sealing after that, but this is the key. I'm just saying we'll see one more time. So even though it has stopped falling in that 20 percent range, to go further, the president must make a bold reshuffle of personnel that he promised at the APEC meeting now or as soon as he arrives in Seoul after the G20.

If you don't keep showing your promise, even if you temporarily go up, if you stay in the early 20% range, you won't be able to see the expected effect, so this time, the crisis is the end of the day, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is in crisis, and representative Lee Jae-myung is in crisis, isn't it? I would like to say that I must take bold steps to overcome this.

[Anchor]
What was the party's approval rating? And party support. In terms of party support, the people's power is 27% and the Democratic Party of Korea is 34%. How do you interpret it?

[Bae Jong Chan]
This is the case of Gallup Korea, and it should be noted that the gap between the two parties is the same as in the previous survey. However, the Democratic Party of Korea also went down, and the power of the people also went down.

[Anchor]
The real meter went up by the Democratic Party. In the case of

[Bae Jong-chan]
Real meters, the Democratic Party went up a little bit, and the people's power went up a little bit. Although there is a difference in the degree of elevation. What's the thing to see here? As a result, Realmeter's survey may have affected the number of seats in the party or something like that. However, what matters here is not political performance, but in the end, it will be work performance that the people evaluate.

Then look at the pledges and policies, what did you do to achieve the policy? I think the people's power needs to work harder in that area. What's important is that after all, the respondent class that differs significantly in this approval rating is the Central Intelligence Agency. The middle, the metropolitan area, the youth, the MZ generation, what they really want is what kind of policies and work results will come out for those who are not getting a job and those who are competing for entrance exams.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
If you see it in person, look at the Gallup Korea survey now. Isn't it 26% of the non-partisan group? It's like 20% of the people after all. The reason is that in the eyes of the people, don't you mean to do politics right now? Political parties gather outside every day, cause conflict and anger every day. So, if you look at it now, it's hard for me to accept that the Realmeter has only 8% of the non-response groups from the current party's approval rating. I would like to say that 26% of the people are really representing us, keeping in mind that the people are quite angry right now, and that I hope they take care of the people's livelihoods to the extent that politics is alive.

[Anchor]
I see. Thank you very much. Politician, I'll end it here. Today, I was with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor of Bae Jae-dae, and Bae Jong-chan, head of InSight K Research Institute. Thank you very much. Thank you.