[News NIGHT] "Impeachment of the Director of Audit"...Public Prosecutor Impeachment Spreads Rebellion

■ Host: Anchor Jang Won-seok
■ Starring: Song Young-hoon, spokesman for the People's Power, Sung Chi-hoon, vice chairman of the Minjoo Party's Policy Committee

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNIGHT] when quoting.

[Anchor]
It's time for "Focus Night" to point out the news of political interest. Today, we will be joined by Song Young-hoon, spokesman for the People's Power, and Sung Chi-hoon, vice chairman of the Democratic Party's Policy Committee. Please come in. Nice to meet you. The Democratic Party of Korea has pushed for the impeachment of Choi Sang-sa, chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection. Choi Hae-soo, chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection, strongly protested, calling it a "political impeachment." Let's listen to the related remarks.

[Choi Sang-sa / Director of Audit: I am very sorry for this political impeachment that undermines the foundation of constitutional order. (In accordance with the law and principles, we did not investigate the connection with First Lady Kim Gun-hee.). Oh, it's not that I didn't research it. We did our best to investigate, but we couldn't find any connection. I didn't check it out. (It's an audit based on principles...) We think that we were an audit in accordance with the laws and principles given.

[Park Joo-min/Rep. of the Democratic Party of Korea (SBS Radio's 'Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show') : As you know, the judge can't say that he did something wrong. Impeachment is the only thing that can be cut. It is necessary to think about it because it is meaningful as the only check against a person who is guaranteed a high degree of independence. In the case of the auditor, the auditor is the board system. Does it stop functioning? If you follow the principle, that's not the case. Impeachment is almost the only way to keep it in check. ]

[Anchor]
It's the first time in the history of the Constitutional Court that the Board of Audit and Inspection is It hasn't even been half a year since the opening of the 22nd National Assembly, but it's the 10th time, and if it's promoted again, it's the 10th time to propose impeachment. How do you think about this?

[Song Young Hoon]
Former President Roh Moo Hyun famously said in 2003. At this point, I'm just saying let's do whatever we want. That comes to mind right now. Isn't the Board of Audit and Inspection only a member of the President in form and an independent institution? However, the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection, an independent institution, will be impeached to suspend and bring down his duties. I'm just saying let's just do whatever we want. Since the establishment of the Korean government, a total of 10 impeachment cases have been submitted to the National Assembly by Democratic Party-affiliated parties in Korea for about 74 years from 1948 to the inauguration of the Yoon Suk Yeol government in 2023. However, since the inauguration of the Yoon Suk Yeol government, there have been a total of 18 impeachment cases submitted by the Democratic Party so far. The presidential office plans to impeach three more prosecutors, including the chief of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office. And the announcement of the impeachment of the Board of Audit and Inspection today, these four cases are not included now. Including that, it's a whopping 22 cases in 2 years and 6 months. Would the people really think that this is politics to overuse the right to impeach the president like this? With the repeated abuse of really powerful congressional power in the impeachment prosecution, it is becoming a very dusty situation in our politics that does not show people's livelihoods, the economy, security, or the future. I think the Democratic Party needs to reflect and reflect.

[Anchor]
Choi Hae-soo, chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection, said the Democratic Party's move was a political impeachment, how did you hear it?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
You have to look back on yourself first. The reason why we are preparing for the impeachment of the Board of Audit and Inspection of Korea is that Choi is undermining the basis of the constitutional order, and we should look back on how he operated the Board of Audit and Inspection of Korea. They are pointing out that it was operated while undermining the basis of the constitutional order. We are pointing out that the Board of Audit and Inspection conducted a poor audit of the illegal elements of the presidential residence that we looked into this time. A company called 21 grams, which was responsible for the relocation of the presidential residence, was actually a company that was not qualified. During the relocation of the official residence, the construction began even before the private contract was signed by the Public Procurement Service. So, I entrusted it to another company, but even that subcontractor was not eligible for extension work. Why was such a poor, unauthorized company selected for the construction of relocating the presidential residence of the Republic of Korea? In our view, the company 21 grams raised the question with suspicion that it might have been possible because it was a Covana content sponsor where Kim Gun-hee was the CEO in the past, what did the Board of Audit and Inspection do? When I asked who recommended it to the secretary in charge, I said, "I don't remember, oh, I don't remember." How did you investigate, Mrs. Kim Gun-hee? That's why the auditor, the auditor, did not function properly, came out to the National Audit Office and lied about what they didn't do properly, so we took responsibility for the impeachment motion.

[Anchor]
If you object to the claim of poor audit and perjury.

[Song Young Hoon]
Well, didn't the five previous auditors make a statement on this at the same time today? These were the roles that the Board of Audit and Inspection could play, and they are the ones who know the limits best. Jeon Yun-cheol, Kim Hwang-sik, Hwang Chan-hyun, and Choi Jae-hyung, the former head of the Board of Audit and Inspection, entered at the same time. These are the Roh Moo Hyun government, the Lee Myung Bak government, the Park Geun Hye government, and the head of the Moon Jae In government's audit committee. But what do you say now? It is questionable whether this constitutes a violation of the law. The basis of the constitutional order is shaken for political reasons, and the Board of Audit and Inspection should not stop performing its constitutional duties. If so, the Democratic Party's impeachment is really driving the president of the Board of Audit and Inspection by sneering at the facts. It's shown like this. In fact, the fundamental cause of this impeachment is that Choi Sang-sa, the chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection, has produced a number of quite painful audit results for the Democratic Party, even though he is the chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection appointed by the president of Moon Jae In. Representatively, it was a thorn in the side of the Democratic Party of Korea as the Board of Audit and Inspection played its role well, including the nuclear power plant and the shooting of a civil servant in the West Sea, most recently the leak of military secrets of THAAD. In that sense, there are talks of political impeachment and retaliatory impeachment.

[Anchor]
The ruling party and the president's office emphasize that it is a retaliatory impeachment, what did you think of this?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
The Moon Jae In government and the previous government have been microscopically grateful for the power they died in, and they are pointing out why they cannot properly audit the Yoon Suk Yeol government. The chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection, Choi Hae-soo, said at the National Audit Office two years ago, "The Board of Audit and Inspection is an institution that supports the president's state administration. As spokesman Song Young-hoon said earlier, the Board of Audit and Inspection is required to be independent enough to be written separately in our country's constitution, because we have to audit the administration. At that time, the head of such an organization came out and said, "It is an organization that supports the president," and the standing chairman of the People's Power Committee was embarrassed. That's why we didn't impeach the auditor because someone who didn't have that basic knowledge or direction led the auditor, so we didn't do it because of such a retaliatory audit of the Moon Jae In government. I would like to reiterate that the impeachment was filed to correct the dysfunctional auditor.

[Anchor]
If the Democratic Party reports to the plenary session on the 2nd of next month, is there a way to prevent the power of the people?

[Song Young Hoon]
So I'd like to tell you three things first. First, the Constitutional Court knows that this abuse of impeachment rights is repeated. So, with the impeachment trial of President Lee Jin-sook of the Korea Communications Standards Commission pending, the National Assembly does not recommend the replacement of three constitutional judges, so three of the nine constitutional judges are in a situation where they will be vacant, so didn't you accept the request for provisional injunction and allow the hearing to continue in the six-member system? As such, I think the Constitutional Court recognizes the seriousness of this situation. So, even if the impeachment motion is passed, I think it is necessary to actively end the hearing quickly and come to a conclusion as soon as possible. Then, even though the reason for the impeachment is not clear and the facts are unclear, I think it is really necessary to review whether the offense of abuse of authority is established. Last time, the impeachment motion of prosecutor Lee Jung-seop was also passed, but didn't the Constitutional Court judge that the facts were unspecified? There is a Supreme Court precedent that if we know that the constitutional immunity of lawmakers is false, it is beyond the limits of immunity. Therefore, it seems that it is time to discuss whether or not the offense of abuse of authority is established. And ultimately, I think that it is a matter that the Korean people should remember and judge about politics in this way that abuses the right to impeach.

[Anchor]
The chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection has drawn a line that he is not willing to resign on his own, but is the Democratic Party pushing ahead with the impeachment bill unconditionally?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
Yes, we have to push. Therefore, there are criticisms such as whether they are trying to paralyze the function of the Board of Audit and Inspection by suspending the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection by impeaching the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection. There are six audit committee members, including the chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection. Since the system is operated by seven auditors, including the chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection, I don't think the Board of Audit and Inspection will not function properly if one person is missing. And rather, because the auditor has not been able to properly audit the administration while watching the face of President Yoon Suk Yeol. Rather, if the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection is suspended, the Board of Audit and Inspection will be able to find its function as other audit committee members conduct an audit fairly. We're looking at it the other way around.

[Song Young Hoon]
I think I need to tell you one thing before moving on. You just mentioned six audit committee members, but our media is already analyzing them all. Isn't the tendency of the six audit committee members classified into three ruling parties and three opposition parties in terms of the subject of appointment, the cycle of appointment, and the tendency? Then the Board of Audit and Inspection can't make a decision in the future because it's a 3:3 deadlock situation. I think the Democratic Party's intention is there. By the way, is it just the auditor? The Korea Communications Commission impeached the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission without recommending the member of the National Assembly, and cannot do anything because it is now a one-man system. The Constitutional Court has not elected a successor to the Constitutional Court, so six people are hearing it, but they cannot decide now. In this way, it's paralyzing constitutional institutions or administrations one by one. I really can't help but ask how long this kind of politics will last.

[Anchor]
If the report is made on the 2nd and impeachment is passed two days later, the duties of the auditor were immediately suspended when the results of the Constitutional Court came out, right?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
That's what I know. We think the people will all understand. The BAI's attempt to impeach the BAI chief will not be supported by the public, as the public has seen the BAI's double standards and I believe that even conservative supporters will express their dissatisfaction with the relocation issue, saying, "It's Mrs. Kim Geon-hee." We don't see it that way. Rather, we think that the public will sympathize with the opposition party's brake on institutions that do not function properly like this, saying that the Democratic Party is doing its job.

[Anchor]
The Democratic Party is also speeding up the impeachment of prosecutors. Prosecutors are protesting collectively. Democrats have signaled a stronger response. I'll listen to it myself.

[Park Chan-dae / Floor Leader of the Democratic Party of Korea: Violation of the duty of political neutrality of public officials, I will not overlook it. It's pathetic to see prosecutors who can't say anything about Yoon Suk Yeol's president, who violates the constitutional values of separation of powers and vetoes bills that passed the National Assembly, speak up to protect their privileges. ]

[Anchor]
Following the deputy prosecutor and the deputy prosecutor at the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office, opposition is spreading, right?

[Song Young Hoon]
That's how unprecedented it is. In Korea, prosecutors were never impeached like this until the Democratic Party had 180 seats in the National Assembly. Is that even acceptable? In the meantime, the results of the second trial were all dismissed, and as I said earlier, prosecutor Lee Jung-seop, who was impeached while investigating representative Lee Jae-myung at the Suwon District Prosecutors' Office, was dismissed 9:0. The Constitutional Court judged that even the facts were quite unspecified, but the job was suspended for 273 days. Those things are trying to repeat themselves right now. The impeachment motion of four prosecutors has already been submitted to the National Assembly, and two of them have even been held at the National Assembly for disgraceful hearings. Let's say we're going to hold another two people. In that situation, the prosecution can't resist this, of course, because the chief of the Central District Prosecutors' Office and the fourth deputy chief of the Central District Prosecutors' Office are being impeached again? But what about all the people involved? They have investigated representative Lee Jae-myung or politicians of the Democratic Party of Korea, and they are prosecuting impeachment mainly. It's a retaliatory impeachment that mobilizes congressional power.

[Anchor]
How do you see the prosecutors' collective backlash?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
Looking at this collective backlash, I remembered the words that President Yoon Suk Yeol said in the past that he is not loyal to people. But that sounded cool at the time, but it didn't take that long for it to be revealed that it was loyal to a group of prosecutors and not to people. It's the same this time. What the prosecutors should do now is not to protest collectively like this, but why are the prosecution receiving such harsh attention from the current public gaze? Didn't you not indict the Deutsche Motors stock price manipulation trial just because there is no direct evidence related to Mrs. Kim Gun-hee? At that time, even representative Han Dong-hoon said that before non-prosecution is issued, a disposition that meets the public's eye level should be taken. Even though there was already too much circumstantial evidence and indirect evidence about Deutsche Motors' stock price manipulation, prosecutors did not indict Kim Gun-hee on the grounds that there was no direct evidence about it, and there was no fostering her to manipulate the stock price. How can we show such reflections on them? We believe that seeing these images of the Central District Prosecutors' Office being prosecuted, the prosecutors are once again working to protect their organization, the prosecution, not to look at the people.

[Anchor]
As prosecutors protested, the Democratic Party said it would take legal action, but what part are you pointing out?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
Article 66 of the National Public Officials Act requires public officials to ban collective activities. So, aren't all prosecutors public servants? I'm pointing out these actions because I know that prosecutors are all public officials, so they shouldn't collectively make statements and take actions that reveal political tendencies.

[Anchor]
Can these prosecutors' collective actions be viewed as misconduct?

[Song Young Hoon]
You can't look at it like that. In short, the Democratic Party is now covering up prosecutors. And trying to get this into a collective action and not be able to talk about it itself is not the same as the Democratic Party that succeeded the Kim Dae Jung government and the Roh Moo Hyun government that allowed the National Civil Service Union. It's a collective action to express your opinion by posting something illegal and wrong on the internal communication network, saying, "Don't do it," really means that the Democratic Party of Korea has abandoned all the values and philosophy they have advocated. What's wrong with that? What are the prosecutors that the Democratic Party has been impeaching? Prosecutor Lee Jung-seop was impeached while investigating representative Lee Jae-myung at the Suwon District Prosecutors' Office. Prosecutor Park Sang-yong's impeachment motion was proposed while investigating the remittance case to North Korea. Next, prosecutor Kim Young-chul investigated the money envelope case of the Democratic Party's national convention. Prosecutor Eom Hee-joon and Kang Vaccine Prosecutor When Lee Jae-myung filed the first arrest warrant in 2023, prosecutor Eom Hee-joon was the key prosecutor in the investigation, especially prosecutor Eom Hee-joon, who was convicted by the Supreme Court this week, and Kim In-gyeom, the prosecutor who prosecuted him. These people are facing impeachment, and in the case of Lee Chang-soo, the head of the Central District Prosecutors' Office, isn't he the head of the Central District Prosecutors' Office in charge of maintaining the prosecution of Lee Jae-myung's cases? I think this should be shameful to point out that it is wrong while making retaliatory impeachment to save the father, Lee Jae-myung, as a collective action.

[Anchor]
How would you resist this interpretation?

[Sung Chi-hoon]
I only talked about people who could point it out that way. The first person to be prosecuted for impeachment was prosecutor Ahn Dong-hwan. You only mentioned the 0:9 rejection earlier, but in the case of Prosecutor Ahn Dong-hwan, it was rejected 4:5. The Constitutional Court also decided that prosecutor Lee deserves to be impeached. And another is prosecutor Son Joon-sung, who was convicted in the first trial in connection with the suspicion of the accused owner. Therefore, in our view, prosecutor Son Joon-sung is the most likely prosecutor to be impeached if the Supreme Court is ruled. Therefore, prosecutors who have been in the lawless zone while wielding power should keep in mind that if they do something illegal, they can be impeached. In that sense, we also impeached prosecutors such as prosecutor Ahn Dong-hwan and prosecutor Son Jun-sung, so I would like to reiterate that these prosecutors who investigated representative Lee Jae-myung are not the only prosecutors.

[Song Young Hoon]
I'll say one more thing before I leave. There are active lawmakers in the Democratic Party of Korea who have not attended the prosecution for nearly a year even though they are subject to investigation regarding the money envelope case of the Democratic National Convention. Where are you investigating that? The Central District Prosecutors' Office is investigating now. However, the head of the Central District Prosecutors' Office is now going to impeach him and suspend him. In the past, political power still had minimal shame. Now, he is throwing off all such shamelessness and abusing his unconditional parliamentary power for bulletproof purposes, and if this reaches the end, he will not be able to escape judgment from the people even if it is a desperate necessity.

[Anchor]
As the spokesman said earlier, most of the people who were impeached by the prosecutor are directly or indirectly related to the investigation of Lee Jae-myung or the non-prosecution of Kim Gun-hee. How do you interpret this?

[Sung Chi Hun]
As I just said, eye examinations or Son Jun-seong tests are not applicable to that. And in the case of Lee Chang-soo, the head of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office, we are preparing an impeachment prosecution to hold Kim Gun-hee accountable for her non-prosecution. All of them have been seen by the public, but about Kim Gun-hee, spokesman Song Young-hoon said he was shameless, but I know that no prosecutor has ever been so shameless and forced to indict him just because he is the first lady of the current power. That's why the prosecution doesn't do such a thing properly, so we're prosecuting impeachment, and I think it's excessive to view it like this, only those involved.

[Anchor]
The report of the impeachment plenary session is scheduled to take place on the same day, including Choi Hae-jin, the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection, Lee Chang-soo, the head of the Seoul District Prosecutors' Office, and the report of the impeachment plenary session is the same. Is there any concern about the

[Sung Chi Hoon]
The people will judge it. These things like impeachment would have affected the approval rating of the Democratic Party if the people were uncomfortable with it or thought it was too much because we're not actually doing it this time, but we've been doing a lot of impeachment for quite a long time. However, given that the Democratic Party's impeachment attempts did not have such a significant impact on the party's approval rating, I would like to say that the public sympathized with the prosecution's unreasonable behavior and inappropriate behavior of the State Council members.

[Anchor]
I see. Let's also look at the next topic. In the power of the people, the conflict between the pro- and pro-Yoon-gye over the controversy over the party's bulletin board is intensifying in conjunction with the theory of linking the Special Prosecutor Act of Kim Gun-hee. Let's listen to the pro-Yoon-gye entrance for a moment.

[Cho Jung-hoon / Member of the People's Power (CBS Radio's 'Kim Hyun-jung's News Show'): It's a party bulletin board debate, a debate. If you are worried about connecting the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee in the future, it is not the head of the ruling party, but the head of the opposition party. It will be a decisive decision for the future of the people's power and their own political future, and I guess you won't make such a decision. None of the options given to the ruling party leader.... ]

[Anchor]
Representative Han Dong-hoon drew a line on the media coverage of the First Lady Kim's Special Prosecutor Act. However, the pro-Yoon faction warns that it is the opposition party leader who links the special prosecution law to the redrawing and the party bulletin board. How do you think about it?

[Song Young Hoon]
First of all, I think I have to explain that there were two misinformation yesterday and today. Yesterday, there was a report to the effect that there is a force trying to bring down Han and that the position on the independent counsel law must be changed to respond to that force. A representative denied yesterday that he had never said that in person. And this evening, a daily newspaper reported a few hours ago that a representative said the investigation into the nomination intervention could go as far as Kim, which the party officially denied today. I'm telling you that's the situation. So at least at this point, CEO Han is not talking much.It is not right at this point that such observations are coming from some people as if they have already decided to approve the special prosecution. Let me tell you that. However, isn't politics something that can change the response and solution when the original situation changes? There's nothing unalterable about it. Then, what should we think about? The situation is a little different before and after the seizure and search came into the ruling party headquarters.
And the investigation situation will continue to change in the future. I don't know how it will develop, so I think it's important for the entire ruling party, the president's office, and the ruling party to reflect, renovate, change, and solve problems enough to believe that the people don't have to do a special prosecution.

[Anchor]
What do you think is the possibility that one representative will decide to pass the independent counsel law?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
We don't think CEO Han Dong-hoon will be able to make a decision. I think it will be difficult to officially reveal that. However, there is a possibility that close lawmakers or members of the People's Power in the neutral zone will leave sufficiently. Because it is not an emotional departure due to the intensifying conflict between pro-Lee and pro-Yoon, as Song said earlier, there are more and more suspicions about the power of the people and the office of a political party, so there may be such a departure vote based on the rational judgment that it would be difficult for the people to revive their power if they cannot shake it off through the independent counsel Kim Gun-hee law. That's how we see it, so if it's two weeks that we extended it to two weeks, it's enough time for more suspicions about Myung Tae-kyun and Kim Gun-hee to be revealed as true, so if we vote again after that, the people's power will surely come out quietly from within.

[Anchor]
If your close circle agrees with the vote by the 10th of next month, how high do you think that's going to be?

[Song Young Hoon]
I don't think it's appropriate to answer those assumptions. Rather, it's my personal opinion that if the opposition party wants to pass the independent counsel law now, it will have to check whether a single team has been established from within the opposition party. Because in the case of the New Reform Party, I have doubts whether it will vote in favor of the special prosecution law when voting under the name of the voting center. If the special prosecution is conducted, there is a possibility that Lee Joon-seok or Cheon Ha-ram, who planted red plum blossoms at 4 a.m. in Chilbulsa Temple, will have to come in and out of the special prosecution from time to time as an important reference, even if they are not suspects. And the special prosecutor law also has a briefing clause, so would the New Reform Party really want that? Considering that, I would say that it is time for the opposition party to look back on whether such a single confrontation can be established inside the opposition party, rather than trying to draw a breakaway vote by encouraging a fight within the people's power.

[Anchor]
Perhaps out of concern for the prolonged controversy, when floor leader Choo Kyung-ho had a cooling-off period, he said that for two consecutive days, but he said to be careful about his remarks. How long do you think this controversy will continue?

[Song Young Hoon]
Let's stop talking about party bulletin boards. From the people's point of view, you'll feel like you're really confusing your priorities. And in fact, most ordinary people who are busy every day don't even pay much attention to these issues that might be of interest to those who are super-involved in politics. And if you make an anonymous bulletin board in the public hall, isn't it to guarantee freedom of expression? However, no matter who the president is or who, there are some people who want to find out the author just because there are some things that are a little deafening and uncomfortable to see, and I don't think it's appropriate to continue arguing over them, so I think it's good to stop this discussion at this point when floor leader Choo Kyung-ho asked for a cooling period.

[Anchor]
If you ask me one more thing, there is a collective right theory, how do you interpret this?

[Song Young Hoon]
Didn't Rep. Kim Jae-seop come out to the media to convey the atmosphere in detail at the general meeting of lawmakers? There is no incumbent lawmaker who said that at yesterday's general meeting. I don't know where some people say that.I think that such a thing is not natural to our people's eyes, so it is probably a rumor that is not likely to be implemented.

[Anchor]
I see. Let's look at the end of the presidential approval rating. President Yoon Suk Yeol's approval rating for state affairs was 19%. It has fallen back to the 10% level in two weeks. How are you analyzing it?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
The president is practically doing nothing, so how can his approval rating recover? 19% to 20% now. I would like to say that the drop of about 1% compared to last week seems to be maintained within the margin of error, but this time, the approval rating of the People's Power Party has risen. So what I want to say to representative Han Dong-hoon is that he will continue to form a coalition with the president, rally conservatives, run the people's power for the president, and then the people's power party support rate will continue to decline. However, when the president shows signs of pointing out what is wrong while setting an angle with the president, as shown this time, I think the public's approval rating is also rising. However, if the conservative party wants to stand upright, the ruling party and the opposition party can actually check the president with limited power such as impeachment, but I would like to suggest that the administration of the Republic of Korea will be revived only when more voices within the conservative party are raised to correct the president.

[Anchor]
How do you analyze this phenomenon where the public's approval rating rises and the president's approval rating falls?

[Song Young Hoon]
I'll tell you the overall situation in three categories. When the president's approval rating recovered from 17% to 20% in Gallup's approval rating two weeks ago, what I said here is a tentative return to support to see how it goes in the future. At the same time, I said that it is not something to be relieved that a week has rebounded, and that at times like this, the measures promised through public statements and press conferences should be made in a tangible and specific way. And I told you that if you don't do that, your approval rating could fall back at any time, but after two weeks, there are signs of that now. That's why concrete measures that are really visible and speedy should come out in the people's memory. If you look at the stock market as well, if a position that used to be supportive turns into a resistance line, it takes a lot of power to break through that position. The public sentiment is the same. At some point, it takes a lot of strength for the people's eyes to return. The second thing I wanted to say was that there should be drastic measures to make people feel that the Yoon Suk Yeol government is really starting from its beginning. Finally, the president's approval rating and the party's approval rating are being decoupled. Didn't the popular power party support rate rise 4% this week from 8% in
to 32%? In the background, the so-called party bulletin board controversy had little impact in the end. Because party support is formed by looking at the head of the party, and if it rose 4%, it should be considered to have no effect. On the contrary, it is shown that those who are leading such an unnatural attack, whether or not it actually is, are close to the president's office, and that's why we need to stop this useless controversy.

[Anchor]
I see. Today's Focus Night was joined by Song Young-hoon, spokesman for the People's Power, and Sung Chi-hoon, vice chairman of the Democratic Party's Policy Committee. Thank you.