[New Square 10] The prosecution's transfer of a suspected rebellion...Yoon's side, afternoon statement

■ Host: Anchor Park Seok-won, Anchor Um Ji-min
■ Starring: Jang Ye-chan, former member of the Supreme Council of the People's Power, Park Sung-min, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea


* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN New Square 10AM] when quoting.


2024-12-19 10:00:31


[Anchor]
At 2 p.m. today, President Yoon's side will make an additional position while the prosecution has transferred the case of President Yoon's alleged rebellion to the prison. Let's take a look at the situation with the two of you. Jang Ye-chan, former member of the Supreme Council of People's Power, and Park Sung-min, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea. Welcome. At 2 p.m. today, President Yoon's position is announced in front of the Seoul High Prosecutor's Office, and lawyer Seok Dong-hyun will appear. Let's guess what the story will be about.

[Jang Ye-chan]
If you look at lawyer Seok Dong-hyun's SNS post, it is difficult to answer each question because there are too many questions from reporters while they are exchanging advice and communicating with each other, rather than officially representing President Yoon Suk Yeol's side, so we set a limited meaning in a simple form of Q&A.

So, rather than very specific details coming out, didn't the Constitutional Court ask the president's office for records of the Cabinet meeting and what the composition of the defense team is like now? I think it will explain what plans the president's office has in the process of future investigations, trials, and judgment. For example, we will deal with it today, but the president's office has not yet officially responded to the investigation as investigations such as the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, the Public Prosecutors' Office have been complicated in many branches. When lawyers are formed, when they will respond to the investigation, whether the method of responding to the investigation will be a written investigation log or summons, or the direction of the investigation in a third place is usually discussed by politicians. I think it will be a form of answering practical contents related to it.

[Anchor]
There's a breaking news right now, so I'll give you a breaking news first. News broke that the court should cancel the dismissal of Chairman Kwon Tae-sun in connection with the appointment of the next board member of the Korea Broadcasting Culture Promotion Association, the major shareholder of MBC. I'll give it to you again. News broke that the court should cancel the dismissal of MBC Chairman Kwon Tae-sun. In this regard, we will let you know once more when we receive additional news.

And one more breaking news came in. News has just begun that an extraordinary state council chaired by Acting President Han Deok-soo has begun. As for the agenda of the meeting, six controversial bills were proposed by the opposition party alone last month. These bills are the so-called Agricultural 4 Act, the National Assembly Act, and the National Assembly Testimony Appraisal Act, including the amendment to the Grain Management Act. Today's extraordinary Cabinet meeting is drawing attention to whether to deliberate and vote on the right to request reconsideration and exercise the so-called veto on six bills. When the results or contents of the Cabinet meeting come in at the site, we will deliver them again. I'll continue my appearance. You predicted that there would be various stories about the method of investigation and the location of the investigation. Lawyer Seok Dong-hyun, what will be the position of President Yoon Suk Yeol today?

[Park Sungmin]
As you said, I will proceed with the question-and-answer session with reporters, so it is questionable whether I can even talk deeply. But what we have to watch carefully is that the president continues to ask for attendance, right? However, I think we need to see what position the lawyers will take on this part. The composition of the lawyers and this is a strong aspect of information provision, and anyway, the issue now is that the investigative agency continues to demand attendance. According to lawyer Seok Dong-hyun's position, the investigative agencies are demanding summons and attendance as if they are competing with each other, and this needs to be adjusted.

However, as the prosecution has been relocated this time, the investigation has been unified by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, so we need to wait and see what else the lawyers will say about this.

[Anchor]
Some people are now predicting that President Yoon Suk Yeol may apply for an injunction regarding the lifting of the suspension of his duties. What will be the next card for President Yoon Suk Yeol?

[Jang Yechan]
That's my prediction. I don't communicate at all or know any information, but I don't think filing a provisional injunction with the Constitutional Court in the event of an impeachment will have much benefit. Because past cases and precedents are important. Like the motion of impeachment, even if the acting president's authority is not explicitly stipulated in our law, there is controversy over Prime Minister Han Deok-soo's veto and the appointment of a justice of the Constitutional Court. Similarly, in the face of impeachment, there would be little precedent for a provisional injunction.

However, when former President Roh Moo Hyun and former President Park Geun Hye were impeached earlier, such a request for provisional disposition was never included. Judging from such precedents, the Constitutional Court is likely to respect the National Assembly's impeachment resolution itself, and I don't know if it's appropriate for this impeachment trial to use these words in a way.I think it's a one-game match.

In the end, it is important whether the impeachment is rejected, passed, or cited, so if a request for a suspension of office results in a bad way, the negative outlook could be strengthened in a way ahead of a very important impeachment trial. I wonder if the president's lawyers will also worry about what the real benefits of trying this. Of course, it may be different from what I expected. Given the common sense of the political world and the various currents I've heard in recent communication with the political community, I have to focus all my efforts on the impeachment trial, which is really important, and the practical possibility of applying for an unprecedented provisional injunction does not seem very high.

[Anchor]
However, some also said that it is part of this strategy from the standpoint of trying to prolong the impeachment trial regardless of the possibility of applying for a provisional injunction.

[Park Sungmin]
So, if it's for the purpose of delaying psychology, there's nothing you can't do. So you mentioned Jang's best briefly, but it's true that it's not profitable. Because in the past, former President Park Geun Hye and former President Roh Moo Hyun did not apply for provisional injunction or anything like that.

So I probably didn't apply because I knew that these parts didn't have any effect at all. The head of the Board of Audit and Inspection and the head of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office are applying for an injunction, but in fact, aren't the two impeachment and the president's impeachment completely different? Since two-thirds of the registered lawmakers directly impeach and even impeach the president, it is no match for the provisional disposition that others are applying for.

As a result, however, if President Yoon Suk Yeol were to go too far, because he expressed his willingness to fight to the end, he could not be considered to have no purpose of delaying the hearing. So, if there is a delay, it will lead to a political headwind and a state of no legal benefit. So, as a result, if you do it even though it's an irrational number, you can also show some kind of obsession with the president's job.
[Anchor]
It's not profitable, but you can apply to take some time, but President Yoon Suk Yeol is not receiving all the documents related to the impeachment trial sent by the Constitutional Court. That's why the impeachment trial process itself may be delayed even though the time is being delayed little by little?

[Jang Yechan]
So I think the biggest variable in the impeachment trial is the decision of Acting President Han Deok-soo regarding the recommendation of the remaining three constitutional judges. People's Power argues that the appointment should not be made based on the case of former President Park Geun Hye in the past, and the Democratic Party should be appointed. This is a variable, but whether or not to receive the documents sent by the Constitutional Court now does not affect the overall schedule or trend. As you know, the defense team is not 100% formed yet. Since it is a very important case and the legal community is paying attention to it, there are usually at least five lawyers and more than 10 lawyers on average, other than the former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission Kim Hong-il becoming the representative lawyer. Since it is the process of forming such a working-level defense team, it seems that the constitutional court's documents are not being served properly, but if the formation of the defense team is completed in a short period of time, it would not be advantageous for the president to be tried by the Constitutional Court.

So this is not a big variable in the trial delay or trial schedule. I think the biggest variable will be whether or not to appoint three additional judges of the Constitutional Court.

[Anchor]
The floor leaders of both parties also mentioned this because the composition of the whole body is very important. The two sides have even had debates over each other's judicial risks or impeachment trials, such as bed tactics, and we will share our opinions again after hearing the floor leaders of both parties. Park Sung-min, how did you hear the so-called bed soccer battle between the floor leaders of both parties?

[Park Sungmin]
Looking at it now, I think Kwon Sung-dong's remarks are very contradictory. Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader of 2024, thinks he needs to ask Kwon Sung-dong, a former lawmaker, in 2017. What he said at this time was that even before the Constitutional Court made a decision, he emphasized the formal appointment of a constitutional judge and emphasized the need to appoint a constitutional judge quickly.

And what was a problem in the Democratic Party in the past was not the recommendation of the National Assembly as it is now, but the president's or the chief justice's recommendation. The most controversial issue was the president's share of nominations, not the problem under this structure in which the National Assembly can recommend three people and nominate them formally, and the logic of people's power is very poor, and if you look back on the past, you can't say this.

So, don't you say that even within the power of the people, this was mentioned at a closed general meeting of lawmakers? If you don't recognize the authority to appoint this constitutional judge to the acting president, you can't talk about the veto and the appointment of the minister that we're talking about in the power of the people. So they say to veto it, and they say they can't appoint a constitutional judge. This is a logical contradiction in itself. I'm sure they're all aware of it.

[Jang Yechan]
Let me briefly refute that, in this emergency situation, precedents are important, as I said earlier. Because the court predicts this situation and there are no regulations in the law book one by one. Regarding the exercise of veto power, there is a precedent that then-Prime Minister Goh Kun exercised his veto power when former President Roh Moo Hyun was tried for impeachment.

However, regarding the appointment of constitutional judges, the Democratic Party of Korea just said no in 2017, so we are now at odds with each other about eight years later, but the important thing is the result. At that time, Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn was unable to appoint not only the president but also the chief justice's recommendation during the impeachment trial of former President Park Geun Hye. And it wasn't until former President Park Geun Hye was finally impeached and the presidency was completely vacant that he was appointed. In light of that precedent, I think there is logical consistency that Prime Minister Han Deok-soo cannot exercise the right to veto when Ko Gun exercised it and the appointment rights that Hwang Kyo-ahn could not exercise. It is poor to point out that both parties are changing their words.

This is because there are records of Choo Mi-ae, Park Beom-gye, Park Joo-min, and Woo Sang-ho that in 2017, acting president Lee dared to appoint a constitutional judge, which is absurd, and that the minister could not be appointed. So what matters is not who said what at the time, but did he actually make the appointment then? Did you veto it? This precedent is important, but again, the veto was exercised by Prime Minister Goh Kun. Prime Minister Hwang Kyo-ahn could not finally exercise his right to appoint due to opposition from the Democratic Party while former President Park Geun Hye was being judged. Based on these facts, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo will be deeply troubled, but I think he is likely to follow suit on the exercise of veto, appointment, and flight status.

[Park Sungmin]
However, the Constitutional Court said that the acting president can officially appoint it, and most scholars who study the Constitution also say that it does not matter if the acting president exercises it because the responsibility recommended by the National Assembly is the process of exercising formal appointment rights. Tell them that you have appointed a successor to the Supreme Court justice Lee Jung-mi, who was appointed by Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn in the past, and that's why you did it after the impeachment was over.

However, he did not say that the term of his predecessor, Judge Lee Jung-mi, ended three days after the impeachment trial and the impeachment decision. Therefore, it is difficult to say that the term itself was terminated three days after the impeachment decision was already made, so it is difficult to say that it is the same situation.

[Anchor]
Yesterday, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong and representative Lee Jae-myung met. There were questions about whether there would be any discussions related to the Constitutional Judge at this meeting, but there was no progress in related discussions. But now, the Democratic Party of Korea is in a position to proceed with the hearing process within this year, so if it proceeds like that procedurally, what happens if three people are appointed?

[Jang Yechan]
In the end, Han Deok-soo's authority rests with Dae-gang. There is no legal provision to enforce this when acting Han Deok-soo does not appoint it. Then, the Democratic Party of Korea will be able to use the card or impeachment of Han Deok-soo, which is also a mixed interpretation of legal authority. There is no provision in the law whether it can be impeached with 150 people because it is the prime minister, or 200 people because it is the acting president. So, because we're going to an unprecedented situation, if we do what someone originally did in the light of past precedents, we get less criticism. If the Democratic Party unilaterally holds a confirmation hearing despite the absence of lawmakers from the People's Power, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo believes that this is not a schedule or recommendation agreed by the ruling and opposition parties, but a one-sided schedule and recommendation by the Democratic Party, so I think there is a greater justification for not delaying the appointment or exercising the right to appoint. In fact, from the perspective of the people's power and conservative camp, the Democratic Party of Korea impeaches Prime Minister Han Deok-soo for not exercising its veto power or appointing a justice of the Constitutional Court.

Impeachment
is better. Then, in a way, the president and the acting prime minister will be impeached? From the public's point of view, there may be opposition that even if it is really impeached, it is too much, and even though impeachment and impeachment are said, impeaching the acting president of the Democratic Party will be more burdensome because it has never been done in history. There are reports that Prime Minister Han also said at a closed meeting that he is not afraid of impeachment. So, the Democratic Party's impeachment threat is not likely to be an effective card for Prime Minister Han Deok-soo, and I think it should be seen as the last key to determine the political situation, how Prime Minister Han Deok-soo will keep his commitment following previous precedents, constitution, and procedural practices.

[Anchor]
What do you think?

[Park Sungmin]
First of all, the Democratic Party of Korea will start impeachment right now. So I think there's no movement to actually pursue impeachment. However, the reason why this story comes out is that there is definitely a look at the flow anyway. And I think I'm releasing it because it's a message that can be appealed to the people to some extent. Acting President Han Deok-soo has some responsibility for the current situation and has reasons to deal with it.

If so, the government should focus more on what the people want now and what they should do as acting president, rather than going in the direction of persistence or following the political behavior of past presidents. In that sense, I think all these stories about the appointment of a constitutional judge or not to veto the special prosecutor are in line with the public sentiment. In the eyes of the people, what they think is most necessary in the current impeachment situation is state stability. So, isn't there no disagreement now that this country should be stable?

However, if acting Lee does not even appoint the Democratic Party's recommendation in line with the people's power to deliberately delay the appointment of constitutional judges, only six people will examine the serious matter of impeaching a president. In the case of this six-member system, no matter what the ruling will come out later, if the Yoon Suk Yeol president points out the incompleteness of the six-member system and objects to the judgment, it is virtually impossible to impeach the six-member system itself, so I have no choice but to point out whether it is right to judge such a serious issue in this state, or even the Constitutional Court is now saying that it will be heard first for national stability.

[Anchor]
From the standpoint of acting Han Deok-soo, the appointment is delayed like this.Or, I think it could be a burden for the referee to proceed with a six-member system. What do you think?

[Jang Yechan]
I'm sure everything is burdensome. Opposing the appointment from the ruling party would also be a burden to Han Deok-soo, the prime minister and acting president. Anyway, it is because he is serving as prime minister appointed by the government created by the ruling party. And it seems to be true that the prime minister has been given a lot of homework on whether the prime minister can appoint a one-sided recommendation from the opposition party, not a recommendation from the National Assembly. However, I don't think the people's claim that they can't appoint a constitutional judge is as far-fetched as the Democratic Party's claim that they can't appoint a constitutional judge. If there is sufficient precedent and logic, and this is before the impeachment motion was proposed and passed, as floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said yesterday, if the motion is passed by the National Assembly, the National Assembly will act as a prosecutor.

However, it is completely inconsistent with the principles of our general judiciary trial for prosecutors to appoint judges. To be honest, I can't predict this part prematurely. However, depending on the direction in which Prime Minister Han Deok-soo's decision goes, the speed, direction, and flow of the impeachment trial can change a lot, so we have no choice but to look at Prime Minister Han Deok-soo for now. I told you earlier that if you impeach him politically, it would not be bad for conservatives. However, if political stability is important, even if acting chief executive Han Deok-soo makes different decisions from the Democratic Party, he should refrain from making such remarks as "We will impeach him" or "We will impeach him." In common sense, impeaching the acting president and even appearing as acting president is too far from stabilizing the political situation.

[Anchor]
As a result, yesterday, rather than talking about acting party leader Kwon Sung-dong, representative Lee Jae-myung, and constitutional judge, there was a story of the constitutional amendment card of the party leader Kwon Sung-dong. Let's hear this story, too. First of all, acting Kwon Sung-dong, why did you take out the constitutional amendment card at this point?

[Park Sungmin]
Well, should I say it's a roundabout criticism of the president? But looking at what you're doing now, I don't think there's a focus on it because you're going in the direction of protecting the president. Logically, there have always been discussions on constitutional amendment, but the mainstream of the political community was that it would be difficult to discuss constitutional amendment related to any presidential system as long as the incumbent president is in office. But the current situation is, in a way, the presidency is vacant, isn't it?

That's why you seem to have said that the current situation is to start constitutional amendment and discuss constitutional amendment, so if you are really willing, please take action. However, the concern is that the discussion on constitutional amendment at a time when the people are working hard to protect a president like now may sound like a story about not touching the essence and just talking about it, so it may be difficult to discuss it at the National Assembly level. However, even if a special committee on constitutional amendment was established to discuss constitutional amendment for a year in the past, it was very difficult to put the agendas into practice. As such, it is a very political process and the ruling and opposition parties have to work together, but as the impeachment continues as it is now, the political community seems to think that it is difficult to conclude any discussion itself.

[Anchor]
But this is the right time, right?

[Jang Yechan]
Of course. I don't know how the impeachment process will continue and what the conclusion will be, but there seems to be a consensus within the political circle that we need to change our political system and the Constitution established in 1987 when there is such a national crisis. If the impeachment trial and early presidential election are held as soon as the Democratic Party wants, the presidential system will be left intact and only people will be changed. So rather than that, I think there will be advantages and disadvantages of the presidential system that we have experienced over the past 30 years.

The downside is that too much power is delegated to one president and too much can change according to one person's judgment. As a supplement to this, the need for constitutional amendment has been raised by all political scientists, professors, politicians, and journalists, both conservative and liberal. If the Democratic Party of Korea wants the Korean political system to develop a little and a stable political situation continues no matter who becomes the president afterwards, it will not just be a discussion on constitutional amendment, but the Democratic Party of Korea has actually insisted a lot on it, so there seems to be a lot of public opposition to the cabinet system, whether it will be a double-term or a dual government system. We should also put our heads together and express our opinions on various types of constitutional amendment plans. Apart from the presidential impeachment trial, this is a two-track political sector where people only see politics and fight every day, and I think it's trying to change something, I think it's a little bit of hope.

[Anchor]
At this point, the election of the emergency committee chairman of the people's power is as difficult as discussing constitutional amendment. How's it going?

[Jang Yechan]
I don't think it will be as difficult as the constitutional amendment. I think it's as difficult as it is, but I decided to get recommendations for each player. The first, second, and third-term groups decided to collect their intentions and deliver them to Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader. There seems to be a consensus that the party should be well aware of the situation within the party, not the floor and outside the party. Since we have accumulated experiences that have been damaged a lot by transfusing outsiders who have never experienced politics too much, we seem to be looking for people who know politics and can communicate with the members of the party. Some people say surprise cards, but I've covered and checked, and I think we'll have to wait and see for a while because there are a lot of recommendations, mainly for people with a little weight and experience in politics, rather than the possibility of a surprise card with rare articles in the media.

[Anchor]
There was also talk about Rep. Kim Jae-seop.

[Jang Yechan]
I've talked to people on the floor after seeing it, but it's never actually been discussed on the surface. However, there are opinions from some politicians and some lawmakers. I think it's become a bit of an article, but it's not even been on the official discussion table yet whether Rep. Kim Jae-seop does it or not. So, in the atmosphere I feel, the power of the people has been focusing on surprise cards, novel people, and so on, but over the past few years, I have suffered a lot from conflicts between party leaders and lawmakers. So, although there may be an unconventional selection of some emergency committee members rather than that, there seems to be more voices within the party that prefer the emergency committee chairman, at least those with political weight or experience.

[Anchor]
In the end, there seems to be an opinion that we should find it among senior members, but since we can't find it among senior members, aren't there first-term lawmaker Kim Jae-seop and out-of-town people?

[Park Sungmin]
It's probably hard to be outside the circle. So, in a situation where the political power of a certain floor is very important and the floor is divided, I think it will be a little difficult to integrate them or show political power. And I recommended Rep. Kim Jae-seop as the chairman of the emergency committee. Aren't there some stories like this? He seems to say that he drew a line, but I think this is a very bad habit. You keep putting up a bulletproof stand and setting up a representative of a scarecrow party, but if you don't like it, you drive it out again. How many times is this?

Even for the emergency committee right now. So, if you look at it now, there's no one who's shown good performance as the party leader. There aren't many cases where you left the scene well, right? Representative Lee Joon-seok and Kim Ki-hyun dropped out, and this time, representative Han Dong-hoon was actually collapsed by his aides and pro-Yoon-gye lawmakers, in a way, right? In my opinion, it doesn't make sense to put Rep. Kim Jae-sup, who publicly said he voted for the emergency committee chairman, in the current situation, to find out who voted for it and to leave the party.

So, I don't know if I will believe any promise to give me full power, but if I define lawmakers who voted for it as traitors and stigmatize it, I will put a lawmaker who voted for it as the chairman of the emergency committee at a time when I am ready to take it down if I don't like it.

[Jang Yechan]
What's a bit of a leap is that I don't have any intention of sitting down. As a result of my confirmation.

[Park Sungmin]
Don't you think a number of senior members of Congress did it?

[Jang Yechan]
I think it's a kind of self-development that came out in the media. What I agree with is that the opinions of the majority of the members of the People's Power and the absolute majority of the opinions are sorry about martial law, but nevertheless oppose impeachment. Then, he should be a person who can represent this majority and lead a small number of supporters, but if a person who openly voted for impeachment becomes the chairman of the emergency committee, it is not Kim Jae-seop, but anyone else who has a belief that completely violates the 80 or 90 lawmakers, and of course, there will be no unity within the party. So I think it's a card that can't be won.

[Anchor]
There are times when the problem is seen better from a distance rather than close up. From the Democratic Party's point of view, who is appropriate now?

[Park Sungmin]
Well, the truth is, first of all, the majority of the people's power lawmakers are very opposed to some kind of impeachment, aren't they? So it's an atmosphere that the approval of impeachment is wrong. If you don't correct it first, I think it's meaningless no matter who comes. Because I think it will be pro-Yoon-dang again. Now, it is necessary to draw a line with President Yoon Suk Yeol and stop protecting or advocating President Yoon Suk Yeol, but in the current situation, except for Kim Jae-seop, the promising lawmakers are actually more likely to protect the president in this impeachment.

As a result, people who expressed their position that they should not be in favor of impeachment are mainly mentioned, so I think it would be useless for anyone to come in the current situation. However, in some political technologies, the discussion of who the emergency committee chairman is doing in this situation can be a waste of time. If so, the floor leader usually acts as an acting leader, but there seems to be a practical limit because the image of Kwon Sung-dong's pro-yoon core can have a very negative impact.

[Anchor]
Then, within the People's Power Party, each player recommends it again, and doesn't it mean that Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, or acting party leader, will nominate it once again? What's your biggest concern?

[Jang Yechan]
I think he left the door open to receive opinions for each player because he needs to make a nomination through a wide range of opinion collection procedures to secure political legitimacy. I'm sure there are a lot of things to worry about. As I said, the fact that political experience and communication with lawmakers are also very important is being highlighted due to various problems caused by the last party leader's inability to communicate with lawmakers. Also, there should be a new and changing image for the people. But I've seen so many cases in politics where I miss both rabbits while trying to catch them.

I think what is important to the power of the people now is the experience and stability of stabilizing various situations in the divided and chaotic party. There are times when you need novelty that you don't know where to go, and there are times when you need a really heavy sense of stability, but now I think the latter is important, so you should focus on it rather than catching two rabbits, but I think the appointment of the emergency committee chairman will be on the list within a week or by early and mid next week.

[Anchor]
Prime Minister Han Deok-soo held an extraordinary Cabinet meeting today, and let's hear the acting president's remarks on what was said here.

[Han Deok-soo / Acting President]
From now on, let's start the 57th extraordinary State Council. Among the bills passed by the National Assembly and transferred to the government on December 6, six bills that the government and the ruling party have consistently expressed opposition to. As an acting president, I have considered and considered what kind of choice is the responsible government's attitude in a very severe situation nationally. The opinions of many people, businesses, and relevant ministries affected by these bills were also heard without any prejudice. And I made the decision only by considering the spirit of the constitution and the future of the country first.

The legislative power and purpose of the National Assembly should be respected as much as possible, but I would like to explain to the National Assembly and the people why the government is forced to request reconsideration and ask for their understanding. First of all, I fully understand and respect the legislative purpose of the National Assembly to ensure the development of agriculture and rural areas and the income of farmers in relation to the amendment to the Agricultural 4 Act. However, if these laws are implemented, they will distort the function of the market, causing excessive supply of certain items such as rice, and will cause a huge financial burden. Considerable controversy is expected as it does not fit the basic principles of disaster damage support and insurance. The amendment to the Grain Management Act was abolished after the government had already exercised its right to request reconsideration once in the 21st National Assembly, and was rejected through a re-decision by the National Assembly.
The amendment to the law, which was transferred back to the government this time, did not supplement the concerns about the mandatory purchase of rice, which the government raised at the time of the request for reconsideration, but rather added a regulation to introduce a grain price stabilization system that requires the government to pay the difference if the market price of grain is below a certain price.

If implemented, the revision will not only fix the chronic oversupply structure of rice, further deepening the decline in rice prices, but will also make it difficult to function in the market due to increased rice production, adding to the government's excessive intervention and enormous financial burden. Considering the government's limited financial situation, huge financial investments in the implementation of the mandatory rice purchase system and grain price stabilization system will make it very difficult to invest in agricultural and rural areas for Korea's future, such as expanding smart farms and fostering young farmers. As an alternative to this amendment, the government gathered opinions from various sectors, including the agricultural sector, to come up with a plan to stabilize income management for Korean farmers, but we are very sorry that this amendment was passed without sufficient discussion and compromise at the National Assembly. The amendment to the Act on Distribution and Price Stabilization of Agricultural and Marine Products calls for the government to mandate producers to pay the difference when market prices of major agricultural products such as vegetables and fruits fall below the standard price.

This amendment is also concerned about the same side effects as the amendment to the Grain Management Act. If the agricultural product price stabilizer is implemented, agricultural production will be concentrated on items subject to price stabilization, which will lead to very unstable supply and demand of agricultural products and prices. In addition, excessive financial burdens arise, making it difficult to allocate resources for future agricultural and rural communities.

It is also an approach that goes against the global trend of shifting agricultural policy from the focus of agricultural product price support that distorts the market to strengthening the farm income stability network. The revision of the Agricultural and Fisheries Disaster Countermeasures Act and the Agricultural and Fisheries Disaster Insurance Act covers the cost of production before the disaster beyond supporting the restoration of damaged facilities and stabilizing the livelihood of affected residents in the event of a disaster in the agricultural and fisheries sector. In addition, even if insurance money is paid to farmers and fishermen due to damage caused by natural disasters, the premium rate cannot be increased. However, the state's compensation for production costs in addition to disaster recovery costs is contrary to the basic principles of disaster support under the Disaster Safety Act, and there are concerns about equity issues and moral hazard with other areas. In addition, excluding damage from natural disasters from premium coverage goes against the basic principle of insurance that premiums should be proportional to disaster risk, and the same basic premium rate is applied to all subscribers with different disaster risks, creating equity issues between subscribers. It cannot be overlooked that private insurers are rather reluctant to insure small farmers and fishermen.

The revision of the National Assembly Act allows the Special Committee on Budget and Accounts and the Standing Committee to continue the review of the budget bill and the supplementary bill of the revenue budget even after November 30. Article 54 (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea stipulates that the National Assembly must vote on the budget by 30 days before the fiscal year. However, the revision of the National Assembly Act provides the basis for the National Assembly to review the budget without being bound by the Dec. 2 deadline for the constitution, which is contrary to the purpose of the Constitution, which sets the minimum standards that the National Assembly must comply with for smooth budget execution. If the amendment is implemented and there is no mechanism to induce the budget bill to be resolved within the deadline set by the Constitution, the National Assembly's decision will be delayed as before and the damage will be entirely lost to the people.

The amendment to the Act on Appraisal of Testimony at the National Assembly extends the scope of witnesses subject to accompanying orders to important agenda reviews and hearings in parliamentary audits and parliamentary investigations, and stipulates that witnesses and reference persons cannot refuse to submit data for reasons such as personal information protection and trade secret protection. Our Constitution stipulates that if the basic rights of the people are restricted, it should be the minimum scope for achieving legislative objectives. However, expanding the accompanying order system to important agenda review and hearings is likely to violate the principle of proportionality and clarity under the constitution, violating the basic rights of the people, the freedom of the body. In addition, it is highly likely to infringe on the secret and freedom of privacy, such as the right to decide on personal information, contrary to the constitutional principle of separation of powers by preventing them from rejecting the National Assembly's request to submit data for any reason. Corporate sites are also very concerned about the possibility of leakage of core technologies and trade secrets. At a time when cooperation between the government and the ruling and opposition parties is more urgent than ever, I feel very heavy to ask the National Assembly to reconsider the six bills.

However, the government cannot help but make responsible decisions that put the spirit of the constitution and the future of the country first. Regardless of the ruling and opposition parties and the government, there will be one heart for the future of the Republic of Korea and for the people. However, there may be differences in thinking about the way there, depending on the location or situation in which each person is located. I think it is imperative that the National Assembly and the government work together to overcome these differences and find solutions for all through dialogue and compromise. After today's Cabinet meeting, I earnestly appeal to the National Assembly to discuss the bills demanded by the government again in depth and seek desirable alternatives. The government will also actively participate and support in a forward-looking and candid manner.
Thank you.

[Anchor]
Acting President Han Deok-soo, the news that the request for reconsideration was resolved, and the Cabinet meeting all spoke in remarks. Will it lead directly to the Democratic offensive?

[Park Sungmin]
Well, we'll have to wait and see. Under the current circumstances, the appointment of a constitutional judge, the Kim Gun-hee Special Counsel Act, and the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act have now passed the plenary session and have been transferred to the government, so there are still many important issues left, so it seems to be an internal judgment that it is difficult to immediately initiate impeachment with disagreements in policy right now. And there are also talks that the wires should not be disturbed. Since the front lines are divided and impeaching the acting president again is also important, is it right to impeach the president and the acting president strategically? I understand that there are some concerns about the stability of the political situation, so I'm preparing an impeachment bill just in case. I think the right position is that we have to wait and see if we start right away.

[Anchor]
It was expected to exercise the right to request reconsideration on the six bills, but the problem is that the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act and the Special Prosecutor Kim Gun-hee Act have a veto until January 1 next year. What decision should we make on this?

[Jang Yechan]
Prime Minister Han Deok-soo has expressed his intention to consider that until December 31st, so the political situation of the ruling and opposition parties and the reaction of the ruling and opposition parties will be considered politically in the meantime. However, as the opposition party criticized the unconstitutional part of the Special Prosecutor Act, which has been pointed out by the ruling party, and the provision of the special prosecutor's choice has not been revised.Ma is not currently at the stage of prediction. And among the bills rejected today, the bill on agricultural and fishery products has been an issue for a long time, but the National Assembly Testimony Appraisal Act is a problem, and anyone should come out if the National Assembly calls it all year long, even if it's not a parliamentary inspection.

And if it doesn't come out, it will be possible to issue a companion order that can be forcibly sought. And when the National Assembly comes and asks, if you don't talk about business secrets or whatever, you'll be punished. I hope the opposition party will listen carefully to Acting President Han Deok-soo's appeal that the government needs to consider this part as well because it is handing over dangerous power that companies can be at a crossroads of existence to the National Assembly. If the opposition party proposes impeachment, as it has threatened so far, a skit that sees this era of acting, not the era of acting, may happen like a black comedy. So, if you look at the remarks of Acting President Han Deok-soo at the Cabinet meeting, you can see that he is trying to respectfully not to provoke the opposition party as much as possible. Then, rather than protesting why the opposition party unconditionally exercises its veto power, it is especially necessary now for policy experts within the opposition party to calmly refute or discuss the issues pointed out by Acting President Han Deok-soo.

[Anchor]
Finally, the prosecution has requested an arrest warrant for Jeon, known as a shaman. This morning, Jeon appeared for a substantial examination of the arrest warrant. Let's take a look at that, too. This morning, the Seoul Southern District Court held a hearing on the warrant for Justice Jeon Sung-bae, who is suspected of violating the Political Fund Act. This is Jeon who is present at the meeting. It's 10:30 a.m. today, so I just appeared. Jeon Sung-bae is known as a shaman, and he is accused of receiving about 100 million won in illegal political funds in the 2018 local elections and intervening in the recommendation of political party candidates. It is known that Jeon Sung-bae received money in the name of prayer expenses, but partially returned it after the candidate was unsuccessful. The prosecution arrested Jeon Sung-bae urgently the day before yesterday. It is known so far that he has secured several of Jeon's mobile phones by confiscating the Seocho-gu residence and Gangnam-gu's law office.

[Anchor]
There are talks about the dangers of golden phones in the media all the time, and the latest one is that a legal phone will be more dangerous than a golden phone, so how will the arrest or the legal gate lead?

[Jang Ye-chan]
I understand that a person named a health inspector was completely excluded during the presidential election process due to controversy. And because it is money and valuables related to the 2018 local elections that are under arrest examination now, it was much before President Yoon Suk Yeol participated in politics. So what we can see here is that this person named Gun Jin-beop was not close to President Yoon Suk Yeol, but was a person who had been working similarly to Myung Tae-kyun in the form of a broker in the political world, and I think it is impossible for President Yoon Suk Yeol to stand out in the 2018 local elections. Because there are so many differences in viewpoint. But if there are politicians of people's power involved in this, they may be in trouble during the investigation.Ma said, "The 2022 presidential election and the 2018 local elections are so wide that the political landscape has changed so much in those four years that it is unlikely that this will spread to the influence of the president.

[Anchor]
It is known that the prosecution has secured more than three mobile phones of the prosecution, but some even said that if information related to political figures is disclosed, this would be a very cute level for Myung Tae-kyun's golden phone. What will be mentioned?

[Park Sungmin]
We'll have to wait and see. First of all, he said he started working on forensics, and this is the name of receiving money and valuables during the election, but furthermore, in 2014, he was also an advisor to Kobana Content, Kim Gun-hee's company. And since the friendship with the president and his wife is also an issue, the law phone can be a key evidence that directly targets the president and his wife beyond political figures.
So, rather, the controversy over the acceptance of luxury goods related to Kim Gun-hee, and the suspicion of stock price manipulation, and further suspicions beyond these. If we talk about nominations and various processes, I think suspicions related to Kim Gun-hee could grow even more and more could be added to the investigation into the president and his wife.

[Anchor]
I see. Let's stop here. So far, Jang Ye-chan, the supreme council member of the People's Power, and Park Sung-min, the supreme council member of the Democratic Party of Korea. I've been with you two. Thank you.