[News NIGHT] Yeo "Special Inspector" Na Hong...Minjoo's special prosecutor's race for speed

■ Host: anchor Sung Moon-gyu
■ Appearance: Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, Park Chang-hwan, special professor at Jangan University

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNIGHT] when quoting.

[Anchor]
It's time for "Focus Night" to point out the news of political interest. Today, we will be joined by Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, a special professor at Jangan University. Hello, both of you. Conflicts within the ruling camp are intensifying after CEO Han Dong-hoon formalized the promotion of a "special inspector." Representative Han Dong-hoon and floor leader Choo Kyung-ho met again today. We'll listen to your voice.

[Han Dong-hoon / Representative of the People's Power: I reiterate as the representative of the People's Power Party. Special Inspector's recommendation. Let's proceed. For your information, I'm telling you so that there's no misunderstanding about the party leader's mission. The party leader represents the party legally and externally and is in charge of party affairs. Of course, the party leader is responsible for overseeing the entire party's work, whether on the floor or outside. That's why the party leader is taking the lead in abolishing the financial investment tax, which is the floor's business, and normalizing the NIS's anti-aircraft investigation rights. It is also a nationwide election to select the leader of the party because it is to select the person in charge of the entire party. ]

[Choo Kyung-ho / Floor Leader of People's Power: (Representative Han Dong-hoon said we should appoint a special inspector) I will not tell you anymore. No comment.]

[Anchor]
Representative Han Dong-hoon, of course, is the leader of the party, whether in the floor or outside the party. It was a remark made at the Supreme Council today, but he seemed to refute the remarks made by floor leader Choo Kyung-ho yesterday, saying that the recommendation of a special inspector is a floor issue.

{Jang ∀}[Jang Sung-ho]
I think the representative or the representative Choo are saying the same thing. Both are the same depending on the interpretation. Nevertheless, the meaning of integration has the function of managing and supervising, but here it is specifically the responsibility of the floor leader in implementing actions and tasks, which is the year 2004 when the 17th general election was held. In December 2003, the district party was abolished by the Oh Se-hoon Act. The district party was abolished in terms of political reform because of money-eating hippos, and the April 13, 2017 general election was held without a district party at that time. The district party was abolished by the Oh Se-hoon Act, and now everyone is clamoring to revive the district party again, right? As the district party is abolished, there is no organization that can control the region of the party. So let's go into the floor as an American party. That's how the party made it in 2006 when the chairman of the innovation committee was a member of the Hong Joon Pyo. So there is a party leader and the floor is an American-style party, so let the floor leader share roles through the members of the party.

[Anchor]
Before that, there was a party president and a floor leader.

[Jang Sung Ho]
There was a governor and there was a floor leader. Wasn't this an imperial governor because it's an organization in perfect order? However, it is true that since the abolition of the district party, the party leader and the floor leader who controls the floor have been operated under a two-top system. Therefore, CEO Han Dong-hoon can manage and supervise it, it can work. Of course, it can work. Since all party affairs are decided by the Supreme Council or the Supreme Council presided over by the party leader, we can't go to the parliament and attend a standing committee and have a meeting to express our opinions on specific issues, right? Because of that, the party leader has been an active member of the National Assembly since the abolition of the district party, and even though Han Dong-hoon is not active, this time, there is a conflict factor because an outside party leader, not an active member, is now here to overcome this crisis.

[Anchor]
So, the representative and the floor leader are all saying the right thing, but anyway, this conflict sounds different depending on where you put more weight and, according to this, where you put more weight. How did you hear it, Professor Park?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
How far is the party leader's power and how far is the floor leader's power? It's actually a superficial problem. The essence is that the suspicion of Myung Tae-kyun and Kim eventually split the power of the people in two, so it's right to see it that way. He is going against the public sentiment, but how can he go against the public sentiment with his pro-Yoon side, who said, "We should protect Yongsan?" Shouldn't we show minimal change in public sentiment, so we should pretend to be a special inspector? This is actually CEO Han Dong-hoon's story right now. Then, the party is finally splitting into two over how to respond to the risk of Kim Geon-hee, whose approval rating is plummeting, which is close to pro-Yoon-gye. There is only one representative and the so-called floor leader, Choo, on both sides, which is the result of the current conflict between the president and Han, apart from the traditional issue of authority, and the ruling camp's inability to figure out how to deal with the Kim Geon-hee risk, which is why it is split into two.

[Anchor]
In any case, where is the authority of the party leader and the floor leader? It seems to be a matter of authority dispute, but that's not the essence, you just said. So what should I do? Should we persuade floor leader Choo Kyung-ho from the standpoint of representative Han Dong-hoon now? Or I don't think the way to go now is to persuade you, what do you think?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I think the stage of persuading each other in the current situation has passed. According to various existing practices in the party, Choo argues that it can be passed only when the floor leader just seals it and that the will of our people can be raised. CEO Han Dong-hoon means that if the CEO does it, he should do this. However, I don't think it's a matter of the party to go to the trial of a power dispute, and that's why shouldn't we vote in terms of party democracy? It is true that there is a big blow to who wins or who loses after a general meeting of lawmakers, so if it is decided through a vote, one side will take a big risk, so floor leader Choo is now making time for this in some way before the regular session of the National Assembly, the end of next week or the end of the week after the parliamentary audit. However, representative Han Dong-hoon, including his close circle, said, "Let's do this quickly, because we're doing it." Nevertheless, it is very likely that floor leader Choo will discuss this after the parliamentary audit. Let's vote at the General Assembly. If so, I think there is a possibility that our representative Han Dong-hoon, who is a little weak in the party's influence, will be at a considerable disadvantage.

[Anchor]
So I saw CEO Han Dong-hoon move quite quickly today. First of all, the president's office said today that the North Korean human rights issue is connected to the party's identity. Why did I say this? Regarding the recommendation of directors of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation yesterday, Han Dong-hoon said, "I will push for it separately, and I will push for a special inspector." Is it a backlash for saying this? How did you like it?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
It's about building a cause. So, I want to give support to floor leader Choo, but the reason why the special inspector has not been appointed is that even though President Yoon Suk Yeol has pledged the special inspector system, the public opinion says to implement a special inspector after he is elected, so the director of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation is now vacant. The special inspector is also vacant. So, since the system includes a special inspector, I would appoint him if I recommended him, but he announced that he would do it in connection with the recommendation of the director of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation by agreement between the ruling and opposition parties. But this is already an old story. The Democratic Party's existing party theory is that conservatives and progressives should not move to the North Korean Human Rights Foundation. Hasn't the special inspector been implemented only once in the meantime and remained vacant in the meantime? But President Yoon Suk Yeol took out this card again. In the end, it's the same thing as saying that I won't be given a special inspector. Why, because the Democratic Party of Korea is not accepting directors from the North Korean Human Rights Foundation. In that sense, the idea of bringing up the special inspector system differentiates it from the president of representative Han Dong-hoon, but also from the Democratic Party of Korea, which is pushing for the special prosecution law. However, its legal limitations, the limitations of the current party theory, and the party theory are said to be linked to the director of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation. While bringing up this party argument, CEO Han Dong-hoon is putting pressure on it in a way that is too much. In that sense, I think Yongsan's cover of the Kim issue as a North Korean human rights issue will remain a very big task.

[Anchor]
In fact, President Yoon said at the meeting that he would do a special inspector if the National Assembly agreed on it, but he said again today that we need to connect the two. So he actually rejected it because both are not being pursued. What about this? Floor leader Choo is actually putting a little brake on the special inspector, so do you think there is a connection between the presidential office and floor leader Choo? What do you think?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Shouldn't I consider the cause first rather than the vice-principal? I heard that Kim Jong-hyuk, a member of the Supreme Council, was on the show today. It is argued that it has never been linked to the director of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation in connection with this.

[Anchor]
It wasn't party talk?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I would argue that it wasn't a party line. However, since there is no way for me to check the specific facts, and some people said that this was a party theory at the time, so it came in this package and the directors of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation were not recruited until now. Since both sides say different things now, the facts need to be confirmed later, and if it was a party theory, it is the general meeting of lawmakers that creates a party theory. Isn't the floor justified, which can be said to be the party's highest voting body? Focusing on the floor leader. That's why it is the party's theory to decide this at the symbolic general meeting of lawmakers, where the floor leader becomes the chairman, and that's why Supreme Council member Kim Jong-hyeok has never talked about this before. As we talked about it on TV earlier, we need to check the facts about it. If there was a party theory, I think that the party leader cannot overturn it arbitrarily. It is natural that the presidential office cannot destroy what has been linked to the North Korean Human Rights Foundation because it fits with the identity of the conservative party, the director of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation. Because it is more convincing, floor leader Choo is highly likely to put more weight on this and deal with it in the future.

[Anchor]
So I'm going to proceed with the process of appointing a special inspector. That's what happened, but the process is quite likely to be a general meeting of lawmakers anyway, and as the ruling party's two-top clashed over the process of promoting the special inspector, conflicts between close and pro-Yoon-gye were expressed in public. Let's hear your remarks.

[Jang Dong-hyuk / Supreme Council Member for People's Power: The presidential office of the party should also change the way it deals with problems and solves problems. Neither the party members nor the people will wait long. But that doesn't solve everything. Nothing can be done if you cannot dispel people's concerns and react sensitively to public sentiment. ]

[Kwon Seong-dong / People's Power (CBS Radio 'Kim Hyun-jung's News Show'): You should have consulted with the floor leader, one of the two top parties, before changing the party's theory. Didn't you do it like a prosecutor's investigation? I didn't push it unilaterally. So this is simply self-righteousness and dogmatic politics, and I see it that way. It should be proposed by representative Han Dong-hoon and discussed at the general meeting of the lawmakers, but I'll just go without such a procedure, so follow me, follow me. ]

[Anchor]
The Supreme Council member Jang Dong-hyuk, the party leader, and the presidential office should also change the way the problem is solved, he said at the Supreme Council meeting and at the public meeting. It's a representative pro-Yoon-gye. Rep. Kwon Sung-dong pointed out in a radio broadcast that representative Han's behavior was dogmatic. Who do you think is right? First, Professor Park.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
If you look at the polls on Mrs. Kim's issue, even conservatives are turning their backs. That is why the president's approval rating is in the 20% range, and even in the region and TK, he is doing wrong now. And an independent counsel should be conducted on Mrs. Kim. This is the majority of public opinion. As a result, since there is no justification right now, the special inspector's link is called party theory, and the conservatives bring up the North Korean human rights issue, and this is a fight within the conservatives. The special inspector is not a confrontation between the ruling and opposition parties. The opposition party and the public are talking about the special prosecution law, but representative Han Dong-hoon cannot put his foot in the special prosecution law, so he took out a special inspector as an alternative card. But I think they're trying to cover up this special inspector with North Korean human rights.

[Anchor]
But what Representative Kwon Sung-dong said today is that you should have discussed with the floor leader first. How did you hear this? Wouldn't it have been easier if we had discussed it with the floor leader first?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
That's the party line, and then we needed to discuss it. But this is an emergency situation. So, the people's connection with the North Korean human rights law is not a matter of linking this issue with the North Korean human rights law. All too common sense, there is not a single president who has refused an independent counsel by talking about the so-called corruption of family members and relatives. That's why Mrs. Kim's problem was not a problem to be dragged this far. Of course, CEO Han Dong-hoon said it in that sense. Look at the public opinion right now, I was talking about this, but why didn't you discuss it with me points to the moon, but I think the finger is the problem, and it's at this level of intelligence.

[Anchor] Professor
, what did you think? In fact, it seems that the close-knit conflict has begun in earnest.

[Jang Sung Ho]
I don't think there's a conversation. Politics is dialogue and compromise, and dialogue and compromise between the ruling party and the opposition party. In particular, I think the party needs a process of closer consultation than various dialogue and compromises. But I don't know right now. I don't know if the social and economic crisis is bigger, or if the various economic crises that came down from the previous administration have not been able to overcome it in the Yoon Suk Yeol government now, and the so-called four reforms, including healthcare reform, the low birth rate problem, these crises are bigger. Or the Kim issue framed by the opposition, which now comes with judicial proceedings, but there's no guilty, corroborated thing, is there? Nevertheless, I don't think we can judge here how this can be framed and this lowers the approval rating of President Yoon Suk Yeol.

[Anchor]
Mrs. Kim Gun-hee's problem is now framed. That's how you see it.

[Jang Sung Ho]
I think it's framed. The opposition party is now creating a ruling plan body, a preliminary cabinet, and is now making the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol a fait accompli, isn't it? Behind the scenes, I don't think there is a need for the people's power to cross over in the process of overcoming representative Lee Jae-myung's bulletproofness and overcoming representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk, and making the case of First Lady Kim, who is best to attack it, and the weakest link a fait accompli by steadily publicizing it now. It's been two and a half years since the president of Yoon Suk Yeol became president, and there are two and a half years left. If the current president is going to be the power of the people and the next president is going to be the power of the people, we have to do what we call the re-creation of power. In order to recreate the regime, shouldn't the current Yoon Suk Yeol government succeed? If the Yoon Suk Yeol government goes wrong or fails, or if it ends up with a few percent approval ratings at the end, I think there is zero chance that the next administration will come to the power of the people. And the Kim issue, which the opposition party claims, is framed. Likewise, have Democratic Party members, including Chairman Lee Jae-myung, attacked President Moon Jae In during the Moon Jae In administration in the past? I don't think I've ever attacked the president or First Lady Kim Jung-sook. The opposition party checks the regime, and the judiciary, civic groups, and NGOs think it is reasonable to check the regime and accuse it. The ruling party should go through such close internal discussions and procedures and go to a single party, but now they are going their own way, so I think public support is much lower.

[Anchor]
So, the professor also said that the Yoon Suk Yeol government must live to regain power, but even among the conservative panelists, this is the way to live together. They say that if you don't, you'll all die.

[Jang Sung Ho]
I'll tell you. In order to live all of them, Kim Gun-hee insisted at first that she should apologize. Then I apologize if I do. Then the next step in the Democratic Party will be to take care of justice. So I took it to justice. Then the president will take responsibility for it after that, and it will come out like this. That's why the important thing here is that you shouldn't step back, because it's framed now.

[Anchor]
Do you think this way that CEO Han Dong-hoon keeps insisting is not a way to live, but a way to annihilate?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I'm not living all the way, so it's quite difficult, and of course, I can fully relate to that purpose. Nevertheless, there are two sentences right now next month after representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk, right? First trial. Since there is a sentence, isn't it that the candlelight vigils will appear strongly from early November? That's why I think you don't have to provide any justification on your own.

[Anchor]
I see. With the pro-Yoon-gye and pro-Yoon-gye factional warfare in full swing, Daegu Mayor Hong Joon Pyo posted another criticism against representative Han today. I've been posting it lately. Today, I posted a post saying that the party leader's involvement in the floor issue is overpowering. It's the same argument as floor leader Choo Kyung-ho. But today, I posted this story today, and it was right after a private meeting with President Yoon, so the private meeting was already scheduled three weeks ago. What do you think?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
We should look at the enemy as a comrade. In fact, the mayor of Hong Joon Pyo has continued to criticize CEO Han Dong-hoon. But last time, while looking at the so-called Myung Tae-kyun incident, didn't you say that the Democratic Party of Korea should change it completely? However, now, a special inspector has been appointed as one of the ways to change it, but it is said that it has violated the authority of the floor leader. However, if you look at the logic of the power of the people, this is a thoroughly planned logic. What I'm talking about is that Han Dong-hoon is the leader of the outside party. Therefore, the floor problem is centered on the floor leader and ignores the outside issues. When Han Dong-hoon asked me to have a private meeting as the party leader, I ignored him and told him to just eat, and you said, "Zero," and gave me coke. The incapacitation of the party leader started with the betrayal theory at the national convention, the parliamentary conflict during the last Chuseok, and the parliamentary consultative body between the ruling and opposition parties, and this time, he also passed again in the meeting with the president. You're being treated thoroughly, so what are you doing, the leader of the party? If you leave the floor work to the floor leader, you have to put your heads together with the president outside the office, but the president doesn't meet you either. They don't even listen to me properly. In the end, this story tells the party leader not to do anything.

[Anchor]
I see. So, representative Han Dong-hoon, who is from outside the National Assembly, went around the nine standing committee conference halls in order today. Let's take a look at a representative who visited Sanjawi.

[Han Dong-hoon / Representative of the People's Power (Visit the Director of the National Assembly): Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think the Democratic Party members and the opposition members are going through a lot. Members of our party, you did a great job. Aides, thank you for your hard work. Thank you.]

[Anchor]
Representative Han Dong-hoon visited the Foreign Affairs Commission, the National Defense Commission, the Sanjawi Committee, and the National Assembly and shook hands with the ruling and opposition party members one by one today. I don't know if you saw it. We looked at

[Jang Sung Ho]


[Anchor]
It's a scene that I've never seen before. The party leader walked around the National Assembly building...

[Jang Sung-ho]
Looking at Han Dong-hoon's personal political history, I think it is a regrettable part. And it's a little unfortunate, but he declared himself not to run in the last general election. Targeting Representative Lee Jae-myung, I declare that I will not run for the power of our people. Representative Lee Jae-myung should also declare that he will not run. However, Chairman Lee Jae-myung ran, and Chairman Han Dong-hoon did not run, so I don't know if it helped the party. Nevertheless, the party suffered a crushing defeat. So you didn't become a member of the National Assembly and didn't you become an active member of the National Assembly? So it seems that the representative is also in conflict with the floor leader. So, if you look at that part, Han Dong-hoon, then chairman of the party, said, "I probably ran for the constituency as an active member or received the last order as a proportional representative. If I had become an active member of the party, I could have become a strong representative who can communicate outside the party." But that's not possible, and the outside leader Choo said, "Don't get involved because he's active now." I'm doing that so I don't want to get involved, so today, but I think there might have been a case like this. I didn't look for the case, but when the outside representative was parliamentary inspection...

[Anchor]
He's a representative from the outside world.

[Jang Sung Ho]
I think there was a scene where a representative from the outside visited the inspection site and encouraged him during the inspection, but I couldn't accurately check the case.

[Anchor]
First of all, I think there will be a gun soon, the power of the people. I don't know when that is. What do you think? What would happen if it even had a ticket fight over the special inspector issue?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
I think that a vote in the parliamentary assembly will cause great turbulence even if the special inspector passes the vote, and even if it does not pass, great turbulence will inevitably occur. Because the special inspector is not a matter of CEO Han Dong-hoon right now. If it goes like this, the party can be wiped out, something needs to change, and it needs to be reformed. I did it on the back of this so-called party and public sentiment. However, if the special inspector system is rejected by the party's general meeting, the Democratic Party's special prosecutor law will be passed on the 14th. If the Democratic Party of Korea's special prosecutor law is passed and returns after vetoing, the number of lawmakers disillusioned with the party, which is Yongsan's stronghold, has four votes to leave last time, but this time, the possibility of more than eight votes is very high. In other words, the moment the special inspector's gun is rejected in the parliamentary assembly, the so-called boomerang of departure votes will be faced. In addition, if there are 40 to 50 so-called wait-and-see groups, the wait-and-see groups are aware of the party and the public sentiment and vote for the special inspector, and the president falls into a lame duck at that moment. It's not a lame duck, it's a dead duck. Then the party is controlled by CEO Han Dong-hoon. Previously, the scene of the National Assembly's visit to the National Assembly won the public's hearts and minds, and began to seize control of the party and the floor, which had been delayed to some extent with respect to the president. In other words, they started a full-fledged fight to take the initiative of the party. I'm on my own path.

[Anchor]
Then, is it a rejection or a passage unless all opinions within the power of the people are based on the real party? You just said that if you have a ticket fight, it will be a pretty big problem anyway, what do you think?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I don't think it's a party that has the power of our people blocked like that. Since we have time to spare and it's not a matter of yesterday and today, we are sending out our strong messages, but I think we will naturally compromise in a week or 10 days. The Democratic Party says it won't accept this either, right? Isn't the Democratic Party of Korea having two sentences ahead of Lee Jae-myung's first trial in November? It's quite urgent. That's why I don't have time to wait for the special inspector. That's why I'll argue that it's only a special prosecutor. If this happens, shouldn't the party also reach a consensus? Then, if we passed the inspector general and went with the party's theory, but if the Democratic Party refuses to do this, I think we will die twice. That's why I'm not connected to the issue of appointing a director of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation, which we initially called the party theory, through the process of compromise and mediation, right? I think that's the orthodox solution.

[Anchor]
Then, let's talk about Chin-yoon and her close friends, but there are a lot more wait-and-see groups in the middle of them. What do you think? There are about 50 people now? If we have a lot of time right now, Park Chan-dae, the floor leader of the Democratic Party, said, "The Democratic Party's consistent demand is the independent counsel."Ma said, "As representative Han Dong-hoon talked about the special prosecutor bill of Han Dong-hoon, and the special prosecutor bill of Chae Sang-byung, we will review Kim's case if she brings Han Dong-hoon." How did you hear it? Do you think that's a possibility?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I think it's a Democratic twist. So I can't take anything with me right now and I think I have to go head-to-head. How would you take Han Dong-hoon's independent counsel law anyway? Will the Democratic Party receive that again? Democrats take ours. So, once the independent counsel law is passed and the independent counsel law is passed, the main issue may be that if the Democratic Party receives 100% of the independent counsel law that we demand from the people's power, but it is quite unlikely to go up.

[Anchor]
Lastly, Professor Park, didn't the representatives of both parties ask to meet soon? Will the issue of the special inspector and the special prosecutor be discussed there as well? If it is discussed, how do you forecast it?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
In the Democratic Party, special inspectors are not actually a national target right now. If there are one or two suspicions, it can be resolved by a special inspector, but there are 13 suspicions that the Democratic Party of Korea has put on the special prosecutor. How can we solve that with a special inspector? Of course, we're going to the special prosecutor's office. The problem is, I don't think the special inspector is very likely to pass from the power of the people. Then, if the representative meeting takes place, the Democratic Party will seriously consider whether to apply the third-party recommendation to the special prosecutor Kim, or if the special prosecutor for corporal diseases Han Dong-hoon really sincerely investigates the truth. It's very likely that this level of story will be the Democratic Party's stance. Also, I think there is a good chance that the representative will go this way if the special inspection is rejected.

[Anchor]
I see. That's all for today's talk. Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, a special professor at Jangan University. Thank you both.