[News UP] Over the appointment of a constitutional judge...Ruling and opposition parties fight to take the lead in impeachment.

■ Host: anchor Yoon Jae-hee
■ Starring: Park Sang-gyu, current affairs critic, Choi Chang-ryul, special professor at Yongin University

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News UP] when quoting.

[Anchor]
As we enter the impeachment process, there is a fierce struggle between the ruling and opposition parties to take the lead. Let's take a closer look at the relevant content. We will be joined by Choi Chang-ryul, a special professor at Yongin University, and Park Sang-gyu, a current affairs critic. We've divided the topic into three keywords today. Let's check the first keyword first. How far is the authority?

How far is the acting president Han Deok-soo's authority? Yesterday was the first meeting between the floor leaders of the ruling and opposition parties, and there was a war of words over this issue. Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader of the People's Power, continues to express his position that acting constitutional judges cannot be appointed, right?

[Park Sang Kyu]
So, I'm talking about President Lee Roh Moo Hyun in 2004 and former President Lee Park Geun Hye in 2016. Wasn't the appointment of personnel rights, especially constitutional judges, after the impeachment was cited, in 2016. This time, acting Han Deok-soo does not have the right to appoint him. It should be interpreted passively, as floor leader Kwon Sung-dong insists, and the opposition party says, "What are you talking about idle in such an important national crisis?"

Also, the Constitutional Court held an emergency meeting yesterday and needs to fill the three people quickly. They say that we should do that according to the public's public sentiment. The question is how far is the acting authority? You have two rights. The decision is in the hands of the acting authority. Acting Han Deok-soo. However, acting Han Deok-soo is taking out his feet slightly.

What it means is that if the ruling and opposition parties, especially the ruling and opposition parties, agree and reach a conclusion, they will follow it. He seems to be avoiding his political responsibility, but this won't come to a conclusion. If the ruling party opposes the people's power, it is possible to construct this logic that I will not appoint them because there was no agreement.

That's why this part is becoming a hot issue for Jungkook. In my view, if you go to six people because of the delay, you have to be 6:0, and if only one person leaves, the impeachment is rejected. Will this really be in line with public sentiment? Apart from judging the value of this, it is public sentiment that the people want the full Constitutional Court to judge.

Because of this, I think that the ruling and opposition parties should reach an amicable agreement, which is the most new process and appropriate legal procedure. The power of the people keeps talking about that time. You know the title of the movie. It's wrong then, but it's right now. They say we can't do it this way, but I think we need to solve this problem politically. I don't think this should be done by the majority vote alone.

[Anchor]
Wrong then and right now. It means that the Democratic Party made the same argument during the impeachment of President Park Geun Hye. How should I look at it?

[Choi Chang Ryul]
It is not new that the power of the Democratic Party or the people is always internal, so during the former President Park Geun Hye, Kwon Sung-dong was the chairman of the prosecution committee at the time. That's when I said I had to appoint him. Rep. Choo Mi-ae is also not allowed to be appointed. It's completely changed.

That's because the subject was different. In other words, there are now three constitutional judges recommended by the president, three recommended by the chief justice, and three members of the National Assembly. There are nine of us. Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn's appointment was recommended by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Judge Lee Jung-mi. And because Director Park Han-chul was recommended by the president, he cannot be compared to now.

Anyway, it's completely different from the current argument, so I'm criticized for that. Apart from that, three people are recommended to the National Assembly. Originally, the recommendation of the National Assembly was intended to be one for the ruling party, one for the opposition party, and one for the ruling and opposition parties, but this happened when the opposition party insisted on two. But anyway, it's a six-member system. But I understand what the ruling and opposition parties mean. As you said, the power of the people is trying to delay this trial, and the Democratic Party is trying to do it quickly.

I know everything about that, but then I think we should consider the principle and justification. The calculation on both sides is obvious. At least it is up to the National Assembly's recommendation and the Constitutional Court receives the National Assembly's consent to appoint it. In the case of other ministers and Cabinet members, they can appoint them immediately after a confirmation hearing. Even if the National Assembly concludes that he is not the right person. This is not it, but it requires the National Assembly's consent to appoint it.

In fact, the consent to the appointment of the National Assembly is considered to be the right to appoint the president, but it is the recommendation of the National Assembly, so the National Assembly has the right to appoint it legally. That's how I see it. And acting is not elective power. It says that this acting authority is acting on behalf of him when he is unable to exercise his duties. There is no word for suspension of duty or vacancy.

Just when you can't exercise your duties. Even if your job is suspended, you can't exercise your job, and you can't exercise your job even when you're in a vacancy. It's ambiguous like this. That's why there's such a controversy. Anyway, the big framework of the Democratic Party of Korea legitimacy and the National Assembly's consent to the appointment, and the limitations of acting as an acting president, the Constitutional Court should not be late at least.

You can't do it quickly. We need to hear President Yoon Suk Yeol's arguments and see many things.Ma, at least the long-lasting absence of the president is a significant damage to the national prestige, so if you consider these various things, I think acting Han Deok-soo should appoint him.

And in general, the majority theory is that academic appointments can also be made. It's my personal opinion.Ma is of the opinion that the secretary general of the Constitutional Court can also appoint this. So, the ruling and opposition parties did not argue about this part, but quickly added three judges if possible, and recommended it to the National Assembly. I think it's right for the acting president to agree to the appointment and then fill up nine people and quickly enter the impeachment hearing.

[Anchor]
I think the Democratic Party's plan is to finish the constitutional judge's confirmation hearing next week and prepare for the first hearing of the president's impeachment trial on the 27th, so it will have a normal nine-member system by then.

[Park Sang Kyu]
The process has already been revealed, but even if the principle is correct as you said, it is necessary to consult on the consent of the people's power. So, even if you don't, you will definitely do it on the 23rd and 24th, and you have to appoint it. It's just that acting Han Deok-soo needs to stamp it. There's a famous expression called rubber stamp.Doing it in any way can actually look like a solo.

In this emergency martial law situation, there are talk of arrogance and soloism. That's why being one-sided is always a problem. This also requires a process of persuading the ruling party from the standpoint of the large opposition party as much as possible. Whether it comes out on this date or not, we will proceed unilaterally. So if it doesn't come out, we'll pass it and send the document, so just sign it. No matter how right these things are, there is a due process.

And deliberation and agreement. Why can't we see such a thing at all in our politics these days? If you notify me, will it be okay to do everything by majority vote? There is definitely a regret about this. So, since floor leader Kwon Sung-dong is meeting as a meeting with each other today, don't hide your feelings and laugh and say good words. Then the ruling and opposition parties will make a substantial agreement and we will give you the end of the day, so let's discuss it even if it's not on the 23rd or the 24th.

This is how the opposition party gets rid of the reason to reject it for a few days. These days, the Democratic Party feels impatient. In particular, if Representative Lee Jae-myung gives such an impression that he is rushing too much, Jung-kook has a long way to go. I think we also need wisdom to lengthen such breathing.

[Choi Chang Ryul]
I understand that I don't understand the power of the people. I understand, but if President Yoon returns after being dismissed from the impeachment trial, it sounds like he should appoint him then. It's not, and it's either rejected or cited. If it's quoted, you'll be fired from the presidency. It means that if a new president comes out after being fired, the new president should appoint him. It doesn't fit this situation.

It was said that the trial could have six judges. That's what the Democratic Party did because the application for provisional injunction was accepted. Then even if we can have a psychology with six people, that's six people. It's a question of whether to dismiss the president or not, and there will be various controversies about it when six judges make a decision. I'm sure there is.

There will also be a question of procedural legitimacy. But aside from this, the president should return to work unconditionally, or if a new president comes out, do it. All I can say is to take the current situation. It's not about the Democratic Party of Korea, so I don't know if Lee Jae-myung's story will follow, but Lee Jae-myung shouldn't do that either. You've been delaying the trial. Both sides are the same.

It's the same, but it would be right to fill nine people on this issue at least. I told you that's the majority vote. Don't appoint because you're not the president unconditionally. What should we do with this? Let's veto it, don't do it. How do you do that? I have a lot of them.

Apart from anything else, I understand that the ruling and opposition parties are calculating on their own.Ma thinks that the question of at least whether to dismiss the president or not is that nine people should be added quickly.

[Anchor]
As you mentioned, there is interest in whether acting Han Deok-soo will exercise his veto power over the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act and the Special Prosecutor Act of Kim Gun-hee, but the opposition parties continue to put pressure on this part.

[Park Sang Kyu]
The right to demand reconsideration also has precedents. In 2004, then Acting President Goh Kun vetoed two legal amendments, including an amendment to the Amnesty Act. Also, this precedent comes with the power of the people. That's why precedents are so important in everything. I was like that then, but don't do it now. Are you asking me to just stamp it or not reject it? Of course, this is why it's called case-by-case.

It is said that this is a much more serious issue than then, and I think there are two thresholds. One is six bills. Acting Han Deok-soo put things like the Farmland Act on hold for now. Acting Han Deok-soo will also have a headache. I asked him to deliberate because if he refuses right away, he could be subject to impeachment, but I think he will reject it.

However, it is also read that the Democratic Party can tolerate that. Of course, they're saying that's not possible either. You're not a vetoer, this is the logic. But at that time, he was Han Deok-soo's second-in-command of the Office for Government Policy Coordination when Ko Gun was acting. I know the precedent very well then. I did it then, but why don't I do it? Am I a different person? Even if it's not that bad, you can think of it like that.

The people's power is to say that, but the National Assembly's general special prosecutor and the independent counsel Kim Gun-hee law should not be allowed. I agree with you on that point. This is such a big issue, and many investigative agencies are competing now, so I'm going to go arrest them, prosecutors and police people are confused. The investigative agency should be consulted by one person. You have to take a process, so that the main body who is holding a warrant and confronting the security service can't come out here and there.

That's how I see it, so politically, it is said that a second deadline and a red line should not be set and vetoed, but now it is said that the first six veto bills are not possible to gain a head start. Han Deok-soo, acting president of the ruling and opposition parties, would like to see the guidelines at the meeting between the leaders of the ruling and opposition parties today. Why are you telling me to do everything? I understand that such complaints are in a similar position.

[Anchor] The deadline for exercising the right to reject
is January 1st next year, and it seems that the concerns of Acting President Han Deok-soo of Yo are deepening. Let's look at the second keyword. The second keyword is a time fight. The time battle between President Yoon and Representative Lee Jae-myung has begun. First of all, he actually expressed his intention to reject President Yoon's request for summons.

It is not responding to the request for an answer sent by the Constitutional Court. Regarding this, some point out that it is a time-consuming strategy.

[Choi Chang Ryul]
Of course, it's time-consuming. It would be best if representative Lee Jae-myung's final ruling of the Supreme Court before the impeachment hearing somehow took place before the trial. In the case of the Public Official Election Act, the ruling was made on the 15th of last month to reach the final ruling of the Supreme Court. One year in prison, two years of probation. The perjury teacher case had a first trial on the 25th and in November. At least in the case of the Public Official Election Act, doesn't it mean that 633 should be done within the first trial for 6 months after being prosecuted, and within 3 months for the second and third trials?

That's a mandatory regulation. It's a mandatory regulation, but it wasn't followed. Justice Cho Hee-dae said let's keep it. Because of this situation, if it is the case, the second trial will be held in February and the final ruling can be made in May because it is three months after that. If the impeachment trial is delayed after that, representative Lee Jae-myung may not be able to run for president even after the Supreme Court ruling.

I don't know how it will turn out. That's why they are conscious of that, and because of the logic of opposition, the Democratic Party of Korea should hold an impeachment trial quickly and decide the presidential election schedule. Because if the president's impeachment is cited after the impeachment trial, the presidential election should be held within 60 days. If that happens, isn't it clear that Lee Jae-myung is actually the opposition leader?

We haven't had a primary yet.E. Then the judicial problem is essentially solved. The opposition's candidates have been decided and the presidential election date has been decided, and in principle, it can be done. In principle, you can do the second trial and the third trial. If you pull it further, you may not physically be able to do the third trial. Because of these calculations on both sides, if the Constitutional Court's judgment is possible, the people's power is to be delayed, and the Democratic Party of Korea is trying to delay such trials, including the Public Official Election Act of Chairman Lee Jae-myung. The Constitutional Court hearing is trying to pull. The people all know this.

There's no one who doesn't know this. We all know this, but we're making our own cause. We also talked about the veto.Don't exercise your veto power in the power of the people. They asked me to exercise my right to appoint judges. The Democratic Party is against it. The Democratic Party of Korea tells us to exercise our appointment rights and tells us not to exercise our veto power. There are no parties like this.

How can you make these different claims with what you see right in front of you? I understand that lawmakers have their own political advantages. Don't you have to pay attention to that while talking about it? We can see everything when we see it.

[Park Sang Kyu]
I've been thinking about this. There are places in Korea in the 21st century where mail is not delivered. The mail doesn't go into the presidential residence that everyone knows. So in this case, Korea, a global IT powerhouse, sends it to President Yoon or Representative Lee Jae-myung on the Internet. I'm announcing it to the media. If you get it, you should write a receipt saying you got it. You won't get it if I don't write the receipt?

This is not a proper response from the President's Office. Everyone in the world knows. And this term, it's an old Japanese term. Closed door. There is no one because the door is closed. Everyone in the world knows where CEO Lee Jae-myung lives, and he has a wife and two adult sons. But I can't get the mail? What does this mean?

That's why we use a system called public service. Then the president of one country and the leader of another country's main opposition party compete not to receive mail from each other? How uncomfortable is this for the people? I need to get it. You have to take it and do it confidently. I think this is what I think because I'm showing myself to go through the process.

Some cars say they're going to put on the accelerator pedal so they can go fast. How shameful is it to see my car if it fills up the side brakes and doesn't let me go? So, after appointing a lawyer and receiving the mail, CEO Lee Jae-myung. The court was also allocated to the Seoul High Court's Criminal Division 3. Let me repeat the new process.Ma is a grand principle. Appropriate judicial procedures, formal administrative procedures should be followed, that's my position.

[Anchor]
In the case of representative Lee Jae-myung, he also filed a request for a challenge against the judge in charge of the remittance case to North Korea. So the trial will be suspended until it's decided, right?

[Choi Chang Ryul]
It's going to stop. Initially, remittances to North Korea were prosecuted last June. And the Suwon District Court is doing it, and I asked him to change it to the Central District Court. That was rejected. The Supreme Court dismissed it. Then I avoided the court. The court sentenced Lee Hwa-young, the former governor of Gyeonggi-do Province, to nine and a half years. So, right now, the court is pointing out Lee Jae-myung and Lee Hwa-young, former vice governor of Gyeonggi-do Province Peace, as accomplices.

Regarding the remittance case to North Korea. I applied for a court challenge, but this was also not accepted. Next is the avoidance of judges. This was accepted. It was accepted that the Supreme Court decided to avoid judges. But the trial could be delayed considerably this time. It could be delayed for almost a year because of the greeting. In this way, representative Lee Jae-myung continues to delay the trial.

This is not what happened yesterday or today. In addition, as you said earlier, in the case of the Public Official Election Act, November, it hasn't been long. Are you saying you didn't pick a lawyer? Then without receiving the documents. It's the same as President Yoon. I don't know how it's the same. However, the emergency martial law related to President Yoon seems to have violated the Constitution and is stated as the head of the civil war, so even if we cannot think of it at the same level, the behavior is very similar. It's going to be hard to look like this.

He said that the heads of the ruling and opposition parties around the world show similar behaviors, which is why they are hostile. CEO Lee Jae-myung shouldn't do this. At present, I don't think I'm the only one who thinks so, but the person closest to the presidential election is Lee Jae-myung. I don't know what's going to happen. At least you shouldn't do this. Without receiving any notice of litigation documents to the world, without appointing a lawyer. It's delaying the remittance to North Korea in a different way. Isn't it the same for President

Yoon? Prosecutors did not respond to the summons of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and did not receive documents related to the impeachment trial sent by the Constitutional Court. Are there people like this? The people are still not afraid that the president, the leader of the opposition party, and the people closest to the presidential election look so cowardly. I don't understand President Yoon's saying that emergency martial law was justified. CEO Lee Jae-myung, you can't do this. Then, on what grounds do you criticize the other party for delaying the constitutional trial?

On the contrary, the power of the people is the same. What argument do you criticize the Democrats for delaying when they are delaying themselves?

[Anchor]
While the president is also being pointed out that he is delaying the time, he said he will follow the legal process. Then, do you think there is a possibility of cooperation in such areas as future investigations?

[Park Sang Kyu]
Lawyer Seok Dong-hyun gave me a tip. According to lawyer Seok, who is 40 years old and knows all his intentions, responding to the investigation will soon give an answer. It means that I won't avoid it forever. First of all, you're going to focus on the impeachment trial. Two things came out. The Constitutional Court has decided that it will not broadcast live on TV, but I don't think I will do it from the first hearing scheduled for the 27th. We're talking about that.

So, more than anyone else, the incumbent president can attend the hearing for the first time since he has already spoken twice about having a firm opinion on this issue and that he will prove it. First of all, I'm saying that it's urgent. Whether this is right or wrong, I think we'll see another strange scene.

At least, even if it's not the first hearing date, the president has his own lawyers, and according to the Constitutional Court law, if the president is a legal expert without a lawyer, he can sue alone. Of course, I won't do it alone. But that's what you can do. I think the president may go out without lawyers and say, "I'll lead the conversation first."

According to lawyer Seok Dong-hyun, this seems to be the position that this is not a component of rebellion. So, Professor Choi Chang-ryul said, but does that make sense? But that's what I think. So, the Democratic Party of Korea wants to finish this process quickly in two months and run in a cherry blossom presidential election, but I don't think it's going to work like that.

This can go to a very complicated issue. You can apply for hundreds of witnesses. This is because there are many military officials who have been arrested and more than 1,500 troops have been mobilized. This is not a simple case. I'm not predicting it, but lawyer Seok Dong-hyun is also using the expression of madness. That's an expression that CEO Lee Jae-myung once used.

It is argued that the act that was worse than crazy was martial law this time. This is madness for President Yoon to investigate and impeach at the same time through lawyer Seok's mouth. Looking at this, the people are facing the two madness. I'm bitter about what you're going to think.

[Anchor]
I think we need to move on to the third keyword because of the time. Let's watch the video. Who will be the post Han Dong-hoon? Attention is focusing on who will be the chairman of the People's Power Emergency Committee, and today's parliamentary meeting will continue related discussions. Insiders say there is also a chance that a senior pro-Yoon-gye will be elected or Kwon Sung-dong will concurrently hold a position. Will it be concluded? What do you think?

[Choi Chang Ryul]
No matter what the conclusion comes out, I think it's basically useless unless the power of the people apologizes for emergency martial law. What do you do when Na Kyung-won comes out, what do you do when Yoon Sang-hyun comes out, and what do you do when someone comes out? They're saying it's wrong to vote for impeachment. Then I don't think I'm saying that the emergency martial law did a good job, but there were some senior members of Na Kyung-won and Kwon Young-se who are being discussed now.

If you're a senior, you have to do it like a senior. There's public opinion. Their membership in the National Assembly was also chosen by the people. It doesn't exist separately. A lot of people say "military residents." You're not going to compare the president to a past monarch, but if you compare it like that, doesn't it mean that people are water? The water is being floated by the people.

The overwhelming public opinion is that the president should be impeached, but the overwhelming public opinion is that they think it is a crime of rebellion, but they deny everything. What's the point of being the emergency committee chairman among them? In the meantime, impeachment should not be done because of the trauma of impeachment. It is proof that the trauma of impeachment in 2016 and the dismissal of the president in 2017 has not innovated and changed.

We need to make sure that the diagnosis is accurate. So aren't you arguing that you shouldn't do this because impeachment destroys the so-called conservatives again? How far are you from the people's ideas? I think it's probably hard to be that far away. So if you answer that question, it doesn't mean anything to anyone, I personally think.

[Park Sang Kyu]
Looking at that picture, the feeling is that rice with vegetables is an expression used in times like this. Because who doesn't know their political careers. 4th and 5th term. It's a senior player. It's a medium that's heavy. But that's a double score, even though I won't mention the number of people who are currently supporting the gap.

Then, isn't it a dictionary interpretation of the Korean language that a political party is an association to seize power, since the election is in the year after next and we will put out the urgent fire first? Is there such an idea even though the term "re-creation of the government" is overshadowed? It's a novel outsider. It's a big one. I'm not saying you're smart. It's an emergency measure.

How can we turn a blind eye to the hope that there will be someone who can heal the situation of an extraordinary political party at an extraordinary time? Former U.S. President Gerald Ford became president after the Nixon Watergate scandal and led the United States. The title of his autobiography is Healing Time. Time to Hill.

The reason why I'm saying this is because, as I said earlier, the power of the people first needs to have a proper appearance of the party in front of the people. Whether it's a senior council member or a single floor leader in Kwon Seong-dong, I think these are really far from public sentiment. Even now, if it is a formality, they will show remorse for the emergency martial law and impeachment and try to transfuse fresh perspectives from outside into the party. Their own league will never be able to achieve public sympathy or consensus on the situation. That's what I think.

[Anchor]
It's hard for the public to sympathize.Ma seems to be raising concerns within the party. In the case of first-term lawmakers, some lawmakers used the expression, "Only salty water remains in the power of the people," but there is also a view that the party should re-establish itself.

[Choi Chang Ryul]
What's the point of re-establishing? People's perceptions need to change. Isn't it the fifth time the emergency committee has been re-established and changed its name? After the inauguration of the presidential government. But the emergency committee was opened again, the party name was changed, and the people remained the same. They're not going anywhere.

They have to change. You don't have to re-establish the name of the party, but you can change it from this state. We regret that we said so about impeachment until the day before yesterday. I couldn't keep up with the people's thoughts. In other words, there is no need for a foundation. What's the point of being re-established, changing the name, and conspiring?

What are you going to name it? Are you going to lose because it's the burden of the people? I'm not saying that it's bad because it's what a political party does, but the essence of it is that they have to change their minds. The pay goes up in smoke. Since it is destroyed, we cannot give power to representative Lee Jae-myung, so if you don't want to give power to representative Lee Jae-myung, you can change yourself. Do they keep blaming external variables without changing? I would like to say that these things are not the essence of re-creation, but that their thoughts should be changed.

[Park Sang Kyu]
I thought about that. This may be showing, but the first-term lawmakers will be represented and senior officials will help. Isn't it time for us to become the Avengers and help our party's future with this figure, and to show the way the people's power will go out, not just for the presidential election that may be held within this year? Then I think the people will be surprised.

Aside from the evaluation of these characters, Kwon Na Won-ju. But I wouldn't do it. So I can put on a badge again in the next election. That's what the lawmakers think. The most important thing is the political system and people who guarantee me the next badge. Such an unconventional break from this frustrating political formula... Is there any news like this? I'm looking forward to this change, but I'm not really looking forward to it.

[Anchor]
I see. I'll stop listening to you two. With Choi Chang-ryul, a special professor at Yongin University, and Park Sang-gyu, a current affairs critic. Thank you.