[NewsNIGHT] Han Dong-hoon, 'Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor's Office's major decision' has been reported.

■ Host: anchor Jang Won-seok
■ Appearance: Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, Park Chang-hwan, special professor at Jangan University

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNIGHT] when quoting.

[Anchor]
It's a focus night time to point out the news of political interest. Today, we will be joined by Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, a special professor at Jangan University. Welcome, two of you. Media reports that representative Han Dong-hoon could consider handling the Kim Gun-hee independent counsel law heated up the political circle. We will hear firsthand about the reaction within the ruling party.

[Jeong Seong-guk / Vice-Chancellor of the People's Power Organization (MBC Radio 'Kwon Soon-pyo's News High Kick'): (Han Dong-hoon) CEO's writing said, "There is no reason for us to change the opposition's strategy." I've seen that in the past, this would not have been removed, there is an anti-constitutional element and there is no reason for us to receive it. I think you'll say strongly, but I think the nuances are slightly different. That's how you express yourself.. Of course, I don't think there's a change, but I think we need to see what's on the mind of the CEO for a few days.... ]

[Kwon Seong-dong / People's Power: (Rep. Chin Han-limang said that the nuance of representative Han Dong-hoon seems to have changed regarding the Special Prosecutor Act, leaving room for the Special Prosecutor's Office…). ) (Please make Kwon Seong Dong laugh) Who is it? Who's the congressman who said that? (Rep. Jeong Seong-guk is on the radio.... ) The Democratic Party's grand strategy is to lead to the impeachment of President Yoon through an independent counsel, and to cover the election as a crime by representative Lee Jae-myung taking power through the election. I think linking the issue of the party's bulletin board to the special prosecutor Kim will cause a huge backlash and is an obvious act. ]

[Anchor]
It was reported that representative Han could make a big decision regarding the Special Counsel Act on First Lady Kim. What do you think, do you think the nuance of the Special Counsel Act on First Lady Kim has changed?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I think it's completely changed. I think this is the wish of the Democratic Party or the opposition party to do so. When we talk, someone can say this when close lawmakers or party officials gather together because they are close to each other. If this happens, then let's accept Kim's special prosecutor and fight. Or let's call for our president to defect. Or let's leave the party. It is possible to do so, but it is unlikely that the party leader will do so with a serious decision. Because I don't think the issue of the party bulletin board is enough for the party to go backwards and accept impeachment, right now. And isn't the Democratic Party quite steeply attacking the power of the government and the people and the president of Yoon Suk Yeol? The extension of the vote on the re-examination request to 10 days is aimed at dividing the ruling party and, in other words, killing the car. If representative Han Dong-hoon and his close circle vote for impeachment by more than 10 people, wouldn't the Democratic Party automatically go as it wants? Why would the Democratic Party sit still after shaking it up like that? After that, he will probably post another special prosecutor, Han Dong-hoon. Therefore, I affirm that there is no reason for the people's power and representative Han Dong-hoon to be shaken by this division of the enemy.

[Anchor]
Earlier, representative Han Dong-hoon made a determined statement about the controversy over the party's bulletin board, saying, "It is to bring down the representative." Is Yongsan actually behind us?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
We need to check whether there is one or not, but when we look at the reactions of the close circle, it seems that the representative's reaction is quite heated. So, after the so-called Lee Jae-myung's election law conviction for more than three weeks, the public's power has been struggling with the controversy over the bulletin board for nearly three weeks, despite the fact that it was a time when the people's power could be targeted for reflective effects. Isn't there a flow of taking down CEO Han Dong-hoon, the Kim Ok-gyun project that has been talked about so far? But it's not just a guess, it's actually been clashed several times at the Supreme Council. Every time, CEO Han Dong-hoon did not hide his displeasure. You can see it from his expression. As such an emotional response eventually becomes a situation where even the aunt of the president's wife appears, we will not suffer from this if we continue like this. While we also have such a card, we floated a kind of Ed balloon in Chin Yoon-gye or Yongsan, which is said to be able to use such a card in case of emergency. I think it's right to interpret it like this. However, the problem is that the current conflict will last for about another week or so. In other words, if there are no signs of change, isn't it too much to actually do this within a close circle? In the event of such a response, didn't four votes leave despite the rejection by the party's argument last time? Then, if representative Han Dong-hoon does not express directly, "Forced, that is, force all lawmakers to vote down," there is a possibility that more than one or two votes or a few votes will be cast away. Because it's kind of a warning sign of pro-Yoon-gye or Yongsan. Since there is a possibility that such a warning departure ticket may come out, the road has been opened anyway. In the case of this, it can be seen as an unspoken public hint and show-off that if the atmosphere continues to drag down Han as it is, a departure vote can come out if the atmosphere continues.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Didn't the representative who said to bring down the representative? I don't think this is aimed at Yongsan. Since the power game in the party is quite intense right now, I think the party bulletin board issue is also playing a power game between the party leader and the internal pro-yoon and close friends. This won't be like this in the Democratic Party of Korea, which has lost diversity, but is there a representative Lee Jae-myung attacking? I don't think so, do I? However, in the case of people's power, if classified as factional, they are close to pro-Yoon. This is natural because they are fiercely fighting for supremacy within the party for next year's local and presidential elections. If it expands from here to Yongsan, as the professor said, more than 10 people will leave and accept Kim's special prosecutor. Isn't this an anti-constitutional and really unruly special counsel? If we accept this, we cannot even do so because the result will not remain in the special prosecution itself, but will go to the level of annihilation and destruction of the ruling party and the conservative party. That's how I'm confident.

[Anchor]
If a representative changes his or her mind and makes a decision, is there a possibility that the close relationship will move systematically?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
I think there is enough. Because if this situation continues now, Han's status as a presidential candidate will be greatly damaged. It is also a trend that emerged after CEO Lee Jae-myung's acquittal, but Han's approval rating has continued to decline since then. Of course, it fell along with President Yoon Suk Yeol's approval rating, but Han's approval rating has now fallen to the mid-10% range. If this trend continues, can the ruling party actually hold the next presidential election with one representative? With this kind of leadership, can you unite the conservatives? These are what Han thinks is the flow of bringing down the representative. Therefore, in order to break this trend and then increase the approval rating as a so-called presidential candidate, something needs to be changed. And one aspect of the story of whether something fundamental change is needed to change this situation is whether Kim, the independent counsel, should consider it. Of course, it could still be an idea and a discussion, but it is possible. Because if this approval rating continues like this, the leadership of the party leader has collapsed, but if the approval rating as the next presidential candidate falls below the mid-to-late 10%, the value of Han will plunge. Then, it contains strategic concerns that take that into account.

[Jang Sung-ho]
Even if there is such a move that the representative is aiming for the next presidential election, I think it is difficult to regain power if the ruling party is not successful and if the ruling party or the Yoon Suk Yeol government is not successful. That's why the ruling party, the ruling party, and the government party can only regain power if the current government receives trust from the people. That's why the special prosecutor is good here. After receiving an independent counsel, if only representative Han Dong-hoon rises and the ruling party collapses, and if the government tries to collapse, I think the next candidate produced by the people's power cannot succeed even if representative Han Dong-hoon becomes a candidate. If you look at the contents of the special prosecution, isn't it already passed and re-discussed and set to vote? There is a pollack gate here. Then, the power of the people becomes the subject of the special prosecution because the gate of Myeong Tae-kyun contains matters related to the general election and elections. Who can be free here when that happens? In this situation, apart from receiving this, isn't it the position of the people's power that the special prosecutor violated the unconstitutional law? If there is a lawmaker who accepts this, I think it is not a member of the People's Power, and the moment that happens, the entire ruling party becomes difficult.

[Anchor]
Representative Han Dong-hoon denied that it was true about media reports considering the handling of the Special Prosecutor's Law, but he said he would not comment on the ticket control question. This is strange. It's neither positive nor negative. What do you think this is?

[Jang Sung Ho]
The representative cannot affirm this because the representative is not an active member of the parliament and the floor of the National Assembly is centered on the floor leader. So this time, I decided to agree with 10 people and 20 people from our close circle. Can you say that? Last time, 4 votes were left, but I don't know. We don't know what the outcome will be by the 10th, but since it contains such issues related to the current party, isn't there a case related to Lee Joon-seok, the leader of the New Reform Party, in the special prosecutor's office? That's why the New Reform Party itself is likely to oppose it, so I think it's very likely that only four signs of departure last time would come out much less than that.

[Anchor]
Now, the pro-Yoon-gye criticizes that if the independent counsel law is passed, this is a corresponding act. From Han's point of view, there is an interpretation that he is most worried about the traitor frame. What do you think?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
But it's not the first time to have a traitorous frame. During the last national convention, pro-Yoon-gye already put on a traitor frame. So, since I've been subjected to that traitor frame once, I put the traitor frame on it with the special prosecutor? It's not easy. Because the majority of the people are now in favor of Mrs. Kim's independent counsel. If you look at it that way, there is room for strategic choices if the shaking of the party leader continues and the situation comes to an extent that this can no longer be tolerated. Now, the so-called traitor frame has become dull because I've been using it so much like the report of a passerby. Now, who is a traitor even if you talk about the traitor frame? Who betrayed the people? If it goes out like this, the image of CEO Han Dong-hoon is completely so-called, so it is possible to differentiate between Yongsan and pro-Yoon-gye, who do not accept change and do not want to reform. So in the meantime, as the professor said earlier, if Yongsan falls, it will be difficult to become the next president, no matter how well the ruling party candidate is. That's why I've been refraining, but if this situation continues, where I'm threatened by my position as a representative, my approval rating as the next presidential candidate, and my family, I'll consider changing the situation altogether. However, you don't have to give an explicit excuse. Explicitly yes, I thought of that. I'm not going to take care of the tickets. You can get a leave vote. I can't say it like this. However, when the floor leader is talking while shouting for the prevention of leaving votes, the leader of the party keeps his mouth shut and doesn't say anything? Then, the signal is clear to close lawmakers. a free vote At that moment, there is a possibility that the departure vote may really come out, so it is not that it is going to be a departure vote yet, but that we can go like this. However, if it really goes a week or two more and the infighting intensifies, then how quickly will the party bulletin board conflict in the future end because it is not really a possibility, but a possibility that it will become a reality? Or, it is correct to say that depending on whether it gets deeper, the independent counsel's departure vote may or may not come out.

[Anchor]
Floor leader Choo Kyung-ho asked to have a cooling-off period as if he was conscious of the controversy over the party bulletin board, so how long will it be over before the re-vote of the independent counsel law scheduled for the 10th of next month?

[Jang Sung Ho]
From the perspective of representative Choo Kyung-ho, wouldn't the 10th of next month be quite worrisome because he is actually in charge of the floor? It's a power game inside the party or a conflict, but isn't this the Democratic Party, which is a powerful enemy outside, trying to take advantage of this right now? Therefore, from the perspective of floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, let's reduce the elements of conflict even a little, temporarily hold a ceasefire until the 10th, hold back, and do it after the 10th. It's read to that effect. I don't know about the 10th vote. Hasn't CEO Han Dong-hoon said several times that the special prosecution is unconstitutional? Then, representative Han Dong-hoon, who was a prosecutor and a lawyer for unconstitutional law, agrees with our close circle on this, and let's conduct an independent counsel for Kim Gun-hee. I don't take chances like that, and I don't think I should do that. That's why floor leader Choo Kyung-ho is not absorbing the judicial risk of representative Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party of Korea due to the issue of the party's bulletin board, right? It's only quite a shame. So now, isn't there an internal investigation into this and the prosecution? That's why even if you do a party audit, this doesn't come out clearly. So, isn't it quite urgent for those who attack like this inside to wait for police investigation and for external wires, budgets, and people's livelihoods? However, it is quite tiring to see the ruling party immersed in it. I think so, too. [Park Chang-hwan] However, the cooling period that floor leader Choo Kyung-ho talked about and Song Seok-joon, a member of the People's Power, said that there was no need to even mention that it was a cooling period. So, asking to have a cooling system by the 10th is a ceasefire until then so that no leave vote comes out, and then another ceasefire is issued. However, from Han's point of view, from the point of view of the close circle, it means that he will take out this card again after it is rejected as a situation where there are no votes to leave. I'm talking about this. So, if you don't even need the word "cooler," you have to tie the knot with an atmosphere that you won't mention this issue again, and then leave without tying the knot, but after the truce, you take out the cards again and again. If we continue to shake the party leader like this, it means that we will not sit idly by then, so this is not a problem that can be solved simply by a brief ceasefire.

[Jang Sung Ho]
So how do you tie the knot, the party board problem? CEO Han Dong-hoon has no choice but to make a statement, right? Since that doesn't work now, representative Han Dong-hoon can't announce his position, so floor leader Choo Kyung-ho also asks him to endure until then because it takes some time to investigate the police, but if he doesn't tie up, representative Han Dong-hoon will have no choice but to announce his position on this. It's not my family. Or my family actually did. You can only talk about one thing like that, but that doesn't work, so floor leader Choo Kyung-ho can't do it, and he's still fighting over the authenticity, right? This is not illegal, but if the party leader's family did this on purpose, wouldn't it be sensitive because there is a moral problem? However, since representative Han Dong-hoon has not mentioned whether or not to mention this, floor leader Choo Kyung-ho is doing it because he is frustrated.

[Anchor]
In the midst of this, a revision of the permanent special prosecution rules proposed by the Democratic Party of Korea passed the plenary session of the National Assembly led by the opposition party. Should we listen to the reaction of the ruling and opposition parties directly?

[Kim Yong-min / Minjoo Party member: The proposed revision is aimed at making the investigation fairer and more public-level by excluding the right to recommend special prosecutors to the president and his or her family members. In other words, the ruling party still has the right to recommend the remaining investigations of other targets. ]

[Joo Jin-woo / People's Power: If the Democratic Party monopolizes the right to recommend the permanent special prosecutor, it will decide when to launch the special prosecutor, what to investigate, and which special prosecutor to choose. In short, another prosecutor's office will be created under the Democratic Party. If the majority party can decide on a permanent special prosecution at will, it can also be abused as a bulletproof tool to prevent legitimate investigations. By intercepting the case, it can interfere with cases that other investigative agencies have already investigated or are on trial, and it can also prevent the investigation of other crimes or accomplices. ]

[Anchor]
If the president and his family are subject to investigation, the key is to exclude the ruling party's right to recommend special prosecutors and give their share to non-conservative organizations. How did you evaluate it?

[Jang Sung Ho]
When you make a law in the first place, there is a purpose of the law. That's why the permanent special prosecutor is simpler and can always be done than the special prosecutor. Isn't there a lot of prosecutors? When I made this in 2014, the ruling and opposition parties agreed to make it. the spirit of consensus in the National Assembly We agreed to make it, and the key issue is that it can be inspected in various ways and the period is simple, but the most important value is political neutrality. However, today's standing special prosecution was made by the Democratic Party, which is the power of the majority, and in fact turned it into a weapon of retaliation and bulletproofness in the National Assembly. I can only express it like this. It's aimed at the president by passing this through. Targeting the presidential couple, the ruling party, the president's party is four out of seven, two from the opposition party and two from the ruling party. In this way, the recommendation committee is formed, and three people are related to various governments. That's why I'm going to make four people opposition-oriented. Then the opposition party will appoint a special prosecutor. This is unconstitutional for me because the party to which the president belongs cannot recommend two, but the other party, the Justice Party, and the Cho Kuk Innovation Party will form a special prosecutor that suits them by doing four each. Since it is unconstitutional that does not fit the purpose of the law's establishment, didn't the people's power say that they will request the Constitutional Court for unconstitutionality and make a power dispute trial to receive it?
In this situation, even if it decides to be a special counsel, the president is supposed to appoint it. So can the president appoint this unconstitutional special counsel? Then the opposition party would argue that this is the reason for impeachment, but it is quite problematic that our politics is the majority in the National Assembly and one side of the majority party does so, and Kim is the third independent counsel now, and President Yoon Suk Yeol has vetoed it 25 times so far. What's the reason for number 25? It is unconstitutional. So I just can't get it. However, from the Democratic Party's point of view, since it is a huge opposition party with 180 seats, I think it is unconditionally passing all of them and controlling the legislation.

[Anchor]
I'll hear your counterargument.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
First of all, was the Druking special prosecutor who gave the opposition the right to recommend unconstitutionality unconstitutional? Was it ruled unconstitutional? In other words, the opposition party had the right to recommend the independent counsel at the time for the core of the ruling party and the independent counsel, which was thought to be related to the president, because the ruling party acknowledged at the time that it wanted to reveal the truth. Then the ruling party is now saying that if we do not agree, all are not neutral and unconstitutional. Then what will be the special prosecutor Druking in the past? Another thing is that the prosecution should be neutral, not only the special prosecution but also the prosecution. But is the prosecution neutral now? All the people are still not prosecuting the Kim case, which was said to be investigated by all eyes of suspicion. I was talking about the special prosecutor because the prosecution is not fair and neutral, but the president continues to veto the special prosecutor because the ruling party did not agree. So even if it's a permanent special prosecutor, it's really a permanent special prosecutor with only seven prosecutors, but if you talk about neutrality and unconstitutionality, then let's not investigate it. Now, the public is hoping for an early investigation and an early investigation into various suspicions about the president and his wife. But no investigative agency has been able to properly investigate. In that sense, the Changwon District Prosecutors' Office is investigating Myung Taekyun.There are even suspicions that the president and his wife are completely excluded from the investigation. That's why we're really crying and struggling, so let's do it in the so-called permanent special prosecution, and if you refuse even that, how can you do the fact-finding investigation that the people want?

[Jang Sung Ho]
The special prosecutor Druking was agreed upon by the ruling and opposition parties. CEO Choo Mi-ae did it because she was confident at the time, but later on, I think she made a mistake because South Gyeongsang Province Governor Kim Kyung-soo was involved in it. Apart from that, didn't you agree with the ruling party then? Didn't you agree to give it to the opposition party? Now, the opposition party didn't even enter the polling place and did so, but why did they pass it unilaterally? And was the prosecution fair during the Moon Jae In government? Wasn't it not fair? Wasn't it too harsh to clean up the deep-rooted evils? In view of that, it can be said that the president controls the prosecution, but the other side is much bigger. Shouldn't the political community recognize the prosecution's existence, the function of the prosecution guaranteed by the Constitution, and the existence of the prosecution as a unique area of the judiciary? The same goes for Kang Vaccine and Prosecutor Um Hee-jun's impeachment recently. Only by ensuring the prosecutor's autonomy will the opposition party not attack the prosecution even if it takes power next time, right?
That's why I think we shouldn't attack our monitors and the prosecution authority that protects and protects the safety of the people too much.

[Anchor]
According to the current polls, there is a high public opinion in favor of the Kim Special Prosecutor Act, but if the permanent special prosecution is in operation, how should the people's power be dealt with?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Are we doing this with public opinion politics? I think that is pathetic. Democracy is the main politics because it is procedural democracy by law and institution. Public opinion politics. Then, why do you poll for the mayoral election and the election? Don't you think you shouldn't do that? However, Korea is the only country that is sensitive to public opinion polls, and if the public opinion is so sensitive, like Chinese politics, like the People's Court, if it agrees with Kim Gun-hee's independent counsel, then it should be an independent counsel, and if the public opposes it, then the National Assembly doesn't need it, right? It should be done with direct democracy, but it is not that we have made it into laws and systems, and it should be done according to the president's belief that we elected the president. Isn't it like that? So, it should be done in accordance with the law, system, and system, but this is the only indicator of public opinion, so the people do not know the facts in detail. That's why we support the ruling party and the opposition side unilaterally as camp logic, and because we've been leveled our authority, the people are supposed to check those who have authority and power. Because of such psychology, of course, there will be harsh and stingy public opinion indicators about the president's wife or the president. I think such a system is our party-based social poll.

[Anchor]
What are your thoughts on the possibility that the Democratic Party will face a headwind as the main opposition's majority party?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
The majority of the people want the independent counsel Kim and the independent counsel Myung Tae-kyun. This is not a headwind, it is the aspiration of the people. And the permanent special prosecution is the last chance of the ruling party. If the president ignores and does not appoint candidates for prosecutors recommended through the permanent special prosecution, the government's fate will be the last chance if it says it will not listen to the people's voices because laws and systems cannot work then. At that time, I think it is a voice that warns that the people's voice could turn the ship over, not laws and systems, and I think the ruling party needs to think carefully about the permanent special prosecution.

[Anchor]
I see. Focus Night today was with Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University's Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, a special professor at Jangan University. Thank you both.