Yeo "HAN DONG HUN's Responsibility" workshop...Lee Jae-myung's press conference shortly
■ Host: Lee Ha-rin Anchor
■ Starring: Park Sang-gyu, current affairs critic, Choi Chang-ryul, special professor at Yongin University
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News Special] when quoting.
[Anchor]
With the suspension of President Yoon Suk Yeol's duties, the power of the people is shifting to the theory of responsibility of representative Han Dong-hoon. In order to stabilize the chaotic political situation in the Democratic Party of Korea, Chairman Lee Jae-myung will hold a press conference shortly. Let's take a look at Choi Chang-ryul, a special professor at Yongin University, and Park Sang-gyu, a current affairs critic. Welcome, two of you. The second impeachment motion against President Yoon was passed yesterday afternoon. 204 votes in favor, 85 against, 3 abstentions, and 8 invalid votes. Let's analyze the results first. Professor Choi, how did you see it yesterday?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
I thought it would come out more than I thought. I thought there would be at least 210 votes because there were a lot of leave votes, but the reason I thought about that was because 18 votes were exactly lifted on December 4th. At that time, there were 18 lawmakers who demanded the lifting of martial law due to the power of the people. I don't know if I'll do it because I'm not close to all of them. And when floor leader Kwon Sung-dong was elected, there were 34 people who took pictures of lawmaker Kim Tae-ho. If so, I can think of 18 to 34 votes in a very simple logic, but I don't think it will come out that much. Because the party theory was rejected, lawmakers cannot help but be conscious of the party theory. In this case, as a constitutional institution, it is actually the duty of the National Assembly members in Article 46 of the Constitution to prioritize the interests of the people stated in Article 46 of the Constitution and perform their duties according to their conscience.
So, it doesn't matter when party politics is like this.Nevertheless, lawmakers cannot help but be conscious of the party's theory. So, considering this and that, I don't think I'll go from 18 to 34 votes, and of course, I think I'll get more than 200 votes, and I thought I'd get about 210 votes, but I only got 204 votes. That's why there were 12 leave votes. There are 23 votes including invalidity and abstention, so about 23 votes are 3 votes in favor, 8 votes in favor, and 8 votes in abstention.Ma has more than 20 votes with CEO Han Dong-hoon. CEO Han Dong-hoon said it clearly. I said I should stop my job. Isn't it that the behavior of the people's power after that will collapse the representative system of Han Dong-hoon? All the Supreme Council members resigned. CEO Han Dong-hoon said he won't resign.There seems to be a limit. Anyway, looking at the results of this vote, the People's Power lawmakers are very conservative. When Park Geun Hye was the former president, he still got 62 votes. There was a vote in favor of Saenuri Party leader. Even in the pro-Park faction. But this issue is more serious. The declaration of emergency martial law itself. Of course, I can give you a clue. The trauma of impeachment in 2016 seems to make lawmakers more vulnerable, but it's a very, very personal opinion that only 204 votes were cast. I thought they were conservative in positive terms and very conservative in positive terms and very conservative in honest terms.
[Anchor]
The People's Power Party theory was definitely a rejection. Anyway, there were 12 votes in favor of it, the least from the power of the people. And if you add invalid and abstained votes, 23 votes have left, how did you see it?
[Park Sang Kyu]
It is a part where considerable agony is read. So it's not a clear rejection of the party's argument. Until the end, there was a lot of controversy in the general meeting, and the party's theory was decided to be rejected, but there were no remarks from close lawmakers. So there wasn't a lot. What this is about is that I'm thinking hard until the end. I couldn't make this explicit. As you all know, there was no public approval for the eighth time. I was able to see the eighth so-called magic number. Then why wasn't there a public approval for the eighth time? It's too much to do that. So it's still in history that I was the eighth one. He was reluctant to be surrounded by such internal criticism that it was because of you.
Then there are 12 people, but according to lawmakers who watched the analysis of invalid votes and abstention votes yesterday, they abstained in Korean. And then the most interesting ticket is added, and there's a dot on the side. There's no one who doesn't know that lawmakers have to write Gana Boo in Chinese characters and Gana Boo in Korean. However, I was so concerned that I did this. So some people see all 23 votes as being in favor of it, but I don't see it like that. Only 12 people definitely agreed, and the rest struggled until the end. So, following the party's theory, I'm a little reluctant to have a conscience. Representatives Park Jung-hoon and Bae Hyun-jin, who are close to each other, haven't revealed what they're going to film until the end, and haven't said what I'm going to film even after filming. Why did I do that? These are the parts that say that the power of the people is waterproof, but now, after impeachment, the power of the people is facing a situation that requires a new path. Now it's a different time. It's time for the Constitutional Court, it's time for Lee Jae-myung, and it's time for Han Deok-soo. Members of the People's Power who have read these complex situations. And another important thing is that the Democratic Party's impeachment request pointed out floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, who just came out of the picture, as an accomplice in the rebellion. A member of his own party is willing to go to the impeachment motion, which calls the person who was the floor leader an accomplice for rebellion not long ago? Apart from following the flow of history, it's not easy.
[Anchor]
Since it pointed out floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, there were fewer votes to leave, do you analyze it like this?
[Park Sang Kyu]
I don't think I don't have that part. So, I'm sure you've heard that even in the case of Roh Jong-myeon, we are more than a few votes short of what we expected. As such, there are many difficulties in the vote for the power of the people. That's right, that's the way it is reflected, regardless of whether it's wrong or not, I see it that way.
[Anchor]
Let's take a look at the situation before and after yesterday's vote. In the end, President Yoon was immediately suspended from his duties. After the impeachment was passed, the position recorded by the official residence was released. Let's listen to it.
I will stop for a while, I will never give up, I will do my best for the country until the last minute. Professor Choi, how did you hear it?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
I was surprised by the entrance yesterday. I was surprised by the announcement itself, and it's been a while since the last time we had former President Roh Moo Hyun or President Park Geun Hye.Ma said they had a meeting with the State Council. We had a meeting and announced our position. I'm making a statement. I released a statement, and the December 12th statement was also very shocking, and the content of that statement is like a fight to the end. Consistent with the Dec. 12 statement, the president's logic is read, but he also sees impeachment as unjust. And martial law was justified. Therefore, it is likely to be dismissed in the Constitutional Court's impeachment trial that this is a pause. I'll try to dismiss it, that's what I mean. And on December 12th, I will fight to the end whether it is impeachment or investigation. He said he would fight with the people, and now in that discourse, he said, "I will do my best with the people until the end." From that point of view, I think President Yoon Suk Yeol's idea is clear.
I think he did martial law to save the state of affairs for the country, but I'm telling you a lot, but it wasn't confirmed accurately by putting in the military to normalize the state of affairs and pointing out a few names because the quorum of decisions was not yet made.I think Ma is true. If you put a bunch of statements together. But I don't understand if it's really normalizing state affairs, so I can understand the agony of lawmakers and people's power lawmakers.Ma abstains, invalidates, and there's no way he doesn't know. As critic Park Sang-gyu said. Nevertheless, at this critical time, there were only 12 votes in a situation like this, a very obvious violation of the Constitution and a very strong element of rebellion. Let's talk about the power of the people.What would the people think? This is a completely separate matter from the fact that Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party becomes the president. So yesterday, anyway, I came back to the main point and yesterday's announcement of the president's statement was also shocking. I think it has shown too much that it is too far from the public sentiment.
[Anchor]
How did the critic see it? Does a pause mean I'm sure the Constitution will dismiss it?
[Park Sang Kyu]
Rather than being sure, he will fight, he will fight. I think this is not to fight the people, but to fight legally. You must say that because you have that confidence. There are some clues to reading that. First, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is now suspended. The authority was suspended from 7:24 p.m. yesterday, and to tell you briefly, the place where the National Assembly's impeachment resolution was received is the Children's Garden Conference Room in the presidential office. Where we are is the triangular conference room where President Yoon sits in the middle, Chief of Staff Jeong Jin-seok and then CEO Han Dong-hoon sit facing each other, right? It's there. There, the secretary of general affairs received a resolution saying, "Stop being president." I felt the irony of history.
That's what happened. First of all, he says he will go to the Constitutional Court in person.
This is the first time I've ever seen it. Former President Roh Moo Hyun, former President Park Geun Hye was done by his deputies, you know. But he's saying he's going to go out and asking for a live broadcast. That's how it's known. Both of these are unprecedented. The president will go out on his own. Because he was a prosecutor with a lawyer's license. Usually, it can be confidence, and that's not how you usually do it. But he will go out and do it himself. Then we can't rule out the possibility that this will be quite long. The president will talk about it himself and I'll talk about it. And please call a witness. Let's build it up constitutionally, we can do this and live broadcasting is a completely separate matter.
Of course, the current Constitutional Court should not discuss it. There was also a request during the former president Park Geun Hye. But I rejected it. Then, shouldn't we reject it again this time? I think there's a part where we have to argue about whether it's going to happen or not. You're asking me to broadcast this important issue live, but why don't you? You can do it like this. I'm not trying to argue about it, right or wrong. I'm still arguing that this is an act of governance because I'm doing that and that I'm going to stop and argue, but of course, as the head of the rebellion charge, he's been booked as the pinnacle and he's a suspect. We don't know which investigative agency will prosecute now. There are five investigative agencies now, and the National Assembly has posted both the general and permanent special prosecutors. Of course, it's a question of whether this will be voted on again. Acting President Han Deok-soo may veto it when it is voted on. That happened twice in 2004 when I was acting for Ko Gun. Of course, I don't think so, but since there are a lot of complicated issues, President Yoon seems to be looking forward to this as well.
[Anchor]
As you said, the impeachment resolution was delivered to the president's office at 7:24 p.m. yesterday, and President Yoon's exercise of authority was suspended. Prime Minister Han Deok-soo will take over as acting president, and we will listen to his position.
literally took on an important task, and Prime Minister Han was also accused of rebellion. Some point out that it is inevitable in the theory of responsibility. How far can I exercise my authority?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
Even if it is not necessarily recognized as a suspect, the exercise of the acting president's authority is very ambiguous. There's no such thing as to how much you should exercise and how much you shouldn't exercise. Since it is not in the constitutional provisions, it is done according to various theories and customs. However, there seems to be a part that follows a lot of the judgment of the prime minister, acting president, and acting president. We talked about former acting president Ko Gun earlier. I vetoed it then, too.
[Anchor]
At that time, they vetoed amendments to the amnesty law.
[Choi Chang-ryul]
The acting president exercised his veto power, and in 2016, the acting president Hwang Kyo-ahn appointed a judge recommended by the Chief Justice when he supplemented the Constitutional Court judge. It was not up to the National Assembly's recommendation. That's why there's no point where you have to do it or not. There is also the question of how far the ROK military can exercise the right to command, the veto issue, the personnel rights issue, and so on. Then, the amnesty issue. You can do all of this. Since it is acting on behalf of the authority, exercise the authority because the president's office has been suspended until the elected power of the president is established. But regardless of the elected power, this is acting on the basis of the rank of the vacancy or accident under Article 71 of the Constitution. So I think there will be a limit to this.
After all, in a democracy, because it's elective power, it's delegated the sovereignty of the state, and it's exercised because it's delegated some of the sovereign's sovereignty, but there's both. Nevertheless, there are parts that the acting authority can exercise and it's not an elected power. It's not an easy problem because there are these things. So I don't think I can do it in the end. The acting president has no choice but to cooperate with the National Assembly. The opposition party is completely in control of legislative power anyway. It's the National Assembly before it's the opposition.
Since it is a National Assembly that includes the ruling and opposition parties, we consult with the opposition parties, including the ruling party and the opposition party. He abandoned his leadership like President Yoon, and now he really actively communicates with the opposition and seeks cooperation from the opposition party. President Yoon's perception now is basically that the opposition party is a group that interferes with state affairs. There is such a perception that it is a criminal's den.
The opposition would be unhappy with that. Despite representative Lee Jae-myung's various judicial risks, it would be very difficult for the ruling camp to accept him as the No. 1 presidential candidate. Nevertheless, this is the political reality. It's a reality, so I think acting Han Deok-soo should fully talk and cooperate with the opposition party, taking into account that reality. I think it's okay for me. As acting Han Deok-soo said earlier, I think it is the way to lead the state administration in a stable manner. Of course, that includes the ruling party.
[Anchor]
Acting President Han Deok-soo said that he should seek the cooperation of the opposition party, but the role of the acting president is likely to be controversial in the coming months. In the end, attention is being paid to whether to exercise the right to veto, and the time to veto six bills passed by the plenary session, including Kwon Sung-dong, floor leader of the People's Power, and the four agricultural laws, will be until the 17th. It's Tuesday. As I approached, I said that I would change this and suggest an event.
[Park Sang Kyu]
I think there is a good chance of vetoing it. Because this part was discussed when acting Han Deok-soo was prime minister. So you're probably thinking that it's right to veto this bill. Because he's working under President Yoon Suk Yeol and he's aware of the problems in this area. But you change your position 180 degrees just because you became an acting president overnight? I think that's not the case. Of course, there's pressure. The big Democratic Party of Korea is opening its eyes wide, and in the part mentioned earlier, acting Han Deok-soo is seen by the National Police Agency as a hatcher of the alleged rebellion. It's difficult to say that this hatcher is a Chinese character, but it means that he hatched his brain. He entered the Cabinet meeting with 11 members of the State Council and actively stopped him, but since this is such a serious criminal charge that a civil war is a serious crime, even a hatcher can be sentenced to more than a safe.
[Anchor]
You're saying that he played the next role, right?
[Park Sang Kyu]
So, I think that the responsibility is not small, and there is a bank. There are two things. Then, if the police take more action than a charge if they do not accept the Democratic Party's request, the acting president can be booked as a criminal suspect right away. Also, the opposition party is strongly demanding the appointment of a constitutional judge who is about to exercise his veto power in that way. I'll fill it up in 10 days. However, only passive personnel rights can exercise this as an acting authority. I also had the experience of serving as the head of the Office for Government Policy Coordination under Goh Kun in 2004. What are you going to do if you say you only want to do passive things and don't appoint me? It could be like this. If that happens, there is a possibility that the Democratic Party will come up with impeachment again. The legal community now believes that acting Han Deok-soo can be impeached as much as possible. There will be a burden on the Democratic Party to impeach the acting president.
You're impeaching the acting president again before the ink dries up? But if you're in a hurry, you can do it. Then Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok will become the second acting president according to the Constitution and laws. Public opinion is now that President Yoon is impeached and his duties are suspended, would he want that kind of process? That could be a burden to the Democratic Party. This is the assumption, but it can be that way. You talked about the military commander-in-chief earlier, but Han Deok-soo, acting president of the NSC, convened urgently last night and is expressing his will. We have to cooperate with the National Assembly. The Democratic Party of Korea and the power of the people are in this National Assembly. We have to wait and see what we're going to do.
[Anchor]
He predicted that he would exercise the right to demand reconsideration on six bills, including the Agricultural 4 Act, but the public's interest is the right to veto it. Whether acting Han Deok-soo will veto the fourth Kim Gun-hee independent counsel law or the general independent counsel law against civil war, more attention is focused on this.
[Choi Chang Ryul]
It's not easy to predict, but in this situation, other bills, such policy things that I talked about earlier, were done when I was prime minister, so there's a justification for vetoing them because it's a matter of policy. If you say so, this is the same. The veto was exercised during the prime minister's time, so this is the same, but this is something else. matters concerning the President's family Don't you think it's linked to this kind of problem? Failure to meet the requirements of the emergency martial law has nothing to do with First Lady Kim Gun-hee. Anyway, the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee and the current general civil war special prosecutor are related to this issue. It's about the president's case. Of course, he retains the presidency.
[Anchor]
The prime minister himself is a little involved.
[Choi Chang Ryul]
The Prime Minister himself is also involved, but I don't think I can exercise my veto in this situation. The opposition party is putting pressure on it like this. It should be seen as pressure from the people rather than pressure from the opposition. You saw our people in Yeouido yesterday. So I don't know anything else, but I don't think I can veto the independent counsel related to the civil war or Kim Gun-hee's independent counsel. That's what I predict.
[Anchor]
If the veto is exercised in connection with the exercise of the veto, the Democratic Party's opposition is obvious. In that case, the critic pointed it out, but what do you think of the possibility of Joule impeachment?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
I think I'm going to impeach you. If you look at it that way. If impeached, Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok will act as an acting president, and the burden will be huge. But I think the Democratic Party will push until the end. Judging from the current Democratic Party of Korea's various behaviors, I think it will be impeached, but I don't think we should go like that. So, in this regard, Acting President Han Deok-soo should not veto the civil war or the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee. How many times has it been? There is plenty of room for it to be interpreted as contrary to the will of the people. Because it's different from other situations. I don't want you to veto it because it's different from the general policy part. And then it's better for Han Deok-soo to remain acting. If the deputy prime minister acts as an acting president again, it's the same thing because it's under the Constitution, but there are legal and political things. It would be different for the prime minister to act as an acting president and the deputy prime minister to act as an acting president. The weight and stuff. So if these parts become like this, the state administration will be completely paralyzed. What can the deputy prime minister do? no matter how much of an acting authority So I refrained from doing such things as Prime Minister Han Deok-soo and acting president. The opposition also needs to go carefully to push too far.
[Anchor]
Should we refrain from vetoing and impeaching the Joule?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
The opposition party has definitely had such things as impeachment. I think we need to refrain from that, too.
[Park Sang Kyu]
I have to look at the response of the United States in this area, for example. Now, the Trump administration will be launched on January 20, and before that, the United States is now the Biden administration. President Biden spoke on the phone with an acting president and Tony Blinken, the current U.S. Secretary of State, praised the resilience of democracy. This means that the U.S. is the restoration of Korea's democratic process. There was also a position to support this. In this implication, further confusion, further undemocratic deviations. This means that the United States doesn't want it either. Is it all about the U.S.? It's important. The Korea-U.S. alliance is an area that the people are very interested in right now. Given that security must be firmly established first, wasn't that the first emergency meeting of the NSC late at night, the phone call with Biden, and the statement of the U.S. Secretary of State came out one after another?
Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the Democratic Party, should pay attention to this. I'm no longer an operational leader. How will the people see it if they stay in the position of such a leader who opposes it? In that sense, I can really trust it now. You may have seen the trusted leader poll this time. I won't mention the figures, but I know that Chairman Woo Won-sik exceeded the majority in the first place. Where is the will of the people? The people are supporting a leader who is leading this crisis in a responsible and orderly manner. All leaders, both open and open, pay attention to this and take action. It's Sunday today, but the people are calm. I'm looking forward to it in the political circle. I hope there's no more confusion. I hope you can see this well.
[Anchor]
He pointed out that the ruling party and the opposition party should refrain from doing so for the sake of national prestige. Let's also look at the power situation of the people who have been in chaos since the passing of the impeachment bill. First, let's listen to CEO Han Dong-hoon's entrance yesterday.
[Anchor]
Chairman Han Dong-hoon said, "I don't regret encouraging him to pass the impeachment bill. I will continue to perform my duties as to whether he will resign." First of all, I made it like this. I virtually rejected the resignation theory, but can I continue without resigning?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
I don't think it's going to be easy. We are coming to a situation where we have no choice but to go to the emergency committee system. According to the Party Constitutional Party regulations, it is going to the emergency committee system, but if it goes to the emergency committee system, the representative must resign. The representative is stepping down, but the emergency committee chairman can be appointed by the representative. However, if floor leader Kwon Sung-dong resigns from the leadership, he will become an acting president again. an acting representative Then, I will appoint a successor as an acting representative. This means that CEO Han Dong-hoon has no intention of stepping down at the moment. If you don't resign, there's no way you can let him come down. Even if it transitions to an emergency committee system. But that doesn't mean you have to automatically step down.
So that's probably a big question of how to deal with it within the power of the people. It's already what we expected. There were 204 votes. If there were quite a lot of votes, internal redness could not occur. We will quickly go under representative Han Dong-hoon, but with only 204 votes, the internal feud has become severe. It's exactly what I expected. I once told you that if there are fewer upvotes, my internal feud will be amplified. That's where I came in. And the party's theory was rejected until the end, and in the end, representative Han Dong-hoon failed to take control of the party in terms of leadership within the party in the end. He failed to take control of the party, but I think Han Deok-soo made another statement on the 8th after the president made a statement on December 7th. He said it was a two-term retreat, but anyway, CEO Han Dong-hoon's behavior was a little disappointing. He said that he should have pushed his thoughts to the end, but he said right after the declaration of the emergency martial law on December 3rd, that it was unconstitutional and illegal. You should have pushed forward with that tone.
Then, even if you can't represent yourself, CEO Han Dong-hoon's footprint remains very strong. Of course, since he insisted on approval until the end, I think CEO Han Dong-hoon did his job as a representative. However, the topography of power within the power of the people and the topography of perception are very far from the general public. From the public's perception, there were only 204 votes. I told you earlier, too.Aren't the people overwhelmingly in favor of impeachment now? However, representative Han Dong-hoon is responsible for the members of the People's Power Party, citing various reasons. What should I be responsible for? It's in line with the will of the people. Why should a leader who is in line with public sentiment be held accountable? It's kind of a political engineering landscape within the party. I think it's going to be a little difficult in this situation.
However, the people's power to evict such people may be useless to say this, but no matter how many Daegu-Gyeongbuk lawmakers there are still. In this situation, I have never criticized a specific political party so much in view of the people's behavior of denying those who say that impeachment should be approved or passed, and that the president's emergency martial law is wrong. I think the power of the people is a party that is gradually moving away from the public sentiment. It's my personal opinion.
[Anchor]
In summary, all members of the Supreme Council Kim Min-jeon, Kim Jae-won, In Yo-han, Jang Dong-hyuk, and Jin Jong-oh expressed their resignations. And if four out of five elected officials resign, the leadership will collapse according to the People's Power Party and Constitutional Party regulations. But in the case of lawmaker Jin Jong-oh, I'm a close friend. Why did he express his resignation?
[Park Sang Kyu]
In a word, it's like this. Think about it. In the past, when we lost the by-election for the head of Gangseo-gu, the leadership was responsible even though it was a small matter that would not be compared to the current situation. What fault did the leadership do to take responsibility then? You can lose the election. And our public opinion is not good, you said. Still, I stepped down. That's the practice so far. The president may not follow the practice, but the president of the ruling party was impeached on charges of rebellion. But a member of the leadership, especially a representative, is not stepping down? This doesn't fit your emotions, either.
So, even though I'm not at fault, I'm going to keep leading the leadership when the party looks like this and the passport collapses like this? You want to be the representative? It's not acceptable emotionally. So even in the case of lawmaker Jin Jong-oh, it was unexpected at first, but it was disastrous. They gathered for a general meeting of the lawmakers, but they said they were depressed. So, the pro-Yoon leadership is expressing its resignation one after the other, but Rep. Jang Dong-hyuk and Rep. Jin Jong-oh, who you just mentioned, will step down. That's how it broke down.
[Anchor]
I don't think CEO Han Dong-hoon knew in advance that his close friends would step down.
[Park Sang Kyu]
That's how big the issue was yesterday. It's just a mental breakdown. So, in this situation, the Supreme Council members must take responsibility for something. I think this spontaneous decision was made. As that happens, the Supreme Council was virtually extinguished yesterday. Then, even if Han Dong-hoon, an out-of-house representative, represents, in which conference will you represent? If you do that alone, will you continue to be a representative who only announces the entrance in front of the elevator? That's not right. It's not fair. He probably has a lot to say. There's a word that expresses CEO Han Dong-hoon these days. Go back and forth. Let's split it. Back and forth. Apart from your unfairness, those names are following you right now. As CEO Han Dong-hoon, we need time for self-reflection, reflection, and reflection. The representative may not step down.
But he only carries his business card. The ruling party should no longer burden representative Han Dong-hoon with everything. We have to take responsibility together. Everyone should apologize for this situation to the public. Can TK, PK MPs be safe? It's not like that. Just because 85 people voted for it doesn't mean that the people are looking down on the 85 people. I'm going to be reborn as a person who really harmonizes. At least we should show such a figure to conservative supporters to think about whether the people will give them a chance or not. I'm not even sure I'll give you
. In this regard, let's not cling to whether Han Dong-hoon will become a neighborhood lawyer or not, but make a real sincere apology to the people and how to deal with this situation in an orderly manner. Let's cooperate with Acting President Han Deok-soo and meet with Representative Lee Jae-myung immediately. If the subject is not representative Han Dong-hoon, then floor leader Kwon Sung-dong should step up and gather wisdom to solve this difficult situation. I think we need to go out like this.
I think CEO Han Dong-hoon should quickly organize his position. And there's a saying that the way to step down without sticking to the representative position is to find a way out. The caterpillar seems to shrink for a while, but it is possible to stretch it out and take two or three steps forward, and that is also possible if the people allow it. I think you have to go in that position.
[Anchor]
You just mentioned that you are a local lawyer, but since representative Han Dong-hoon is not an active member of the parliament, if he steps down as representative, he will just become a regular member, right?
[Park Sang Kyu]
I just thought about it, is there a name beyond that?
[Anchor]
Among the graphics you just showed me, there is a graphic that expresses the situation of yesterday's general meeting, so it would be good to show it to me. Yesterday, representative Han Dong-hoon said this to the lawmakers' protest to step down. Did I vote? That's why I created a dissenting party line. That's how we fought. And did I do emergency martial law? It is said that they responded like this. Some analysts said that this straightforward method caused opposition to internal lawmakers.
[Choi Chang Ryul]
However, it's not a backlash against the straightforward method, it's a difference of opinion. That's more of the essence. Do you protest because you said it like that? Wouldn't you have protested if you'd said it nicely? I don't think that's important. Basically, out of 204 votes now, there are 108 to 85% of the wealth. I keep making the same argument today, what percentage of Gallup's votes were in favor of impeaching the president last week? Wasn't it overwhelming? Then, the people are overwhelmingly asking the president to impeach him for declaring an emergency martial law in violation of the Constitution, and he kept saying that he should not claim the impeachment, and the power of the people has come this far. I didn't expect it to be right.
I thought it would be at least 210 votes, but I also misunderstood the power of the people. But anyway, in this situation, you have to take responsibility for the representative in that way. That's what happened with my passport. I'm not saying take responsibility for the impeachment, I'm saying take responsibility for the loss of trust in the ruling party to this extent. The party leader. But it's not that the pro-Youns couldn't block the impeachment of the president. That's why I think it's responsible, but the reason why I'm responsible is different. Anyway, it's moral responsibility. It's about taking political responsibility. This is a bit different. The resignation you make when you lose an election, of course, you have to take responsibility for that. Whether it's a general election, a branch or a presidential election. But this is a little different, but anyway, since the passport has come to this point, the party leader cannot remain alone. In addition, Jin Jong-oh and Jang Dong-hyuk, who are close to Korea, all resigned.
If so, I don't think there's a way for the CEO to remain as the CEO. How do I represent you? As I said earlier, it's not like we can have a meeting alone. I don't think there's any point in sticking to the CEO position anymore. Is it meaningful to be a representative in the power of the people? It's something that most of my friends don't admit. As expected, from CEO Han Dong-hoon's point of view, there is no need to dwell on the representative position, or it is a life-or-death situation. I told you that there is a regret for that, and critic Park Sang-gyu said, "Let's go back and forth." I won't use that expression, but anyway, there is definitely something that Han Dong-hoon is disappointed about. There is such a regret for not consistently speaking out about your arguments, and you have to reflect on that. Nevertheless, the passport continues to behave like this? This trauma is what they make. Why did it happen in 2016?
Even after that, many of the pro-Park members did not reflect on themselves, so they took over the government. Reflect on yourself now. If that happens, I can't guarantee that the administration will be handed over to the opposition party. The people are watching it again. Isn't there a judicial risk representative Lee Jae-myung? But they're locking themselves up. Members of the People's Power. I think the power of the people is trapped in a way that is different from the will of the people.
[Anchor]
You have expressed that you are confining yourself, but I don't think the internal feud of the people's power will be resolved within a day or two, so what do you think about the possibility of division?
[Park Sang Kyu]
I don't think Bundang is a possibility right now. Because I think the important numbers were 18, 34. When the 18 people you mentioned earlier took the initiative of CEO Han Dong-hoon to lift the emergency martial law and agreed to lift the emergency martial law, the number and 34 people. The number that pushed Rep. Kim Tae-ho to be the non-Yoon-gye floor leader. So if this comes close to 34 votes, the representative system of Han Dong-hoon would not have collapsed. However, as the votes came out much less than expected, CEO Han Dong-hoon now has no centrifugal force and no centripetal force. But you're leaving the party after CEO Han? It's an act of self-destruction. And most importantly, the most important thing now is to prevent division before Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, is to run for the floor leader. Because I said that, there is another story about former President Syngman Rhee in the past that if we unite, we live and if we disperse, we die. 108 seats are also shaking right now, and 85 seats have been sold. Why would the people see them united now with such a good eye? Rather than that, I think I need to gather the party now. Who do you think would like it if I split up?
And if we divide the party, the second opposition party, and then the divided party, can be smaller than the Cho Kuk Innovation Party, so would we have such a political self-destruct? That's the way to self-destruct. Rather than Bundang, think about what you said earlier and make a wise judgment and find a way to contribute to the party. The word that comes out at times like this is Baek Ui-jong. CEO Han Dong-hoon said, "If you think about what you can do for the party from now on, quitting the representative doesn't end everything. I think I'm being a bit impatient.Ma is in the lead in the polls for the next presidential candidate in the ruling party, although the number is small. Still, CEO Han Dong-hoon. I hope you think about it again over the weekend and in a few days and make your position clear. I think there's a way.
[Anchor]
As you said, we must prevent division. Kwon Sung-dong, the party's floor leader with the idea, dissuaded the Supreme Council membership scandal to prevent a split, according to a report yesterday. There was a story like this, but in the end, you couldn't dissuade him, right? Floor leader Kwon Sung-dong was the chairman of the Judiciary Committee at the time of former President Park Geun Hye's impeachment. And he founded the Bareun Party and left. Because he had such experience, he was in a position to prevent division, but in the end, he failed to prevent the collapse of the leadership.
[Choi Chang Ryul]
Floor leader Kwon Sung-dong is known as the core of pro-yoon, so-called pro-yoon. Nevertheless, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong has a very good image within the ruling party. It's plain and reasonable, as you say now. And even when former President Park Geun Hye was impeached, he defected to the Bareun Party, and I'm not saying that leaving the party is easy and reasonable, but I'm a person who judges in my own way. I think that's why I said that. I don't think that's why it wasn't a good thing for everyone in the Supreme Council to resign. If it's anything else, I should resign to apologize to the people a hundred times. This is that apologizing to the people was not resigning. What are you responsible for? Isn't he resigning because he couldn't keep the presidency? He resigned regardless of the will of the people. In other cases, doesn't resign take responsibility and resign? The meaning of resignation is different.
So I was surprised that Jang Dong-hyuk, the Supreme Council member Jin Jong-oh, and of course, there must have been pressure from the close circle, and he resigned because of the weight of being the best of the party, but I think Kwon Sung-dong made a reasonable judgment that he was able to hold his position firmly and dissuade him from resigning to the best of In Yo-han.
[Anchor]
Once again, if four of the five elected supreme council members resign, the supreme council will be automatically dissolved and an emergency committee will be established. So, some analysts say that CEO Han Dong-hoon is using the so-called strategy of holding out because of the appointment of the emergency committee chairman.
[Park Sang Kyu]
As I can see from the breaking news last night, the power of the people already goes to the acting system of Kwon Sung-dong.
[Anchor]
If we went under the acting system, should we see Han Dong-hoon as the representative of the emergency committee, saying that he cannot appoint the chairman of the emergency committee?
[Park Sang Kyu]
We need an official procedure for the representative to step down, but it's already been switched to the emergency committee. Because I've offered to resign, but the representative has to accept it. There will be some formal procedures like that. But it's only a matter of time. Then, who will be the emergency committee chairman? By the way, I think the power of the people is the sixth person to be appointed as the emergency committee chairman. It means that it is not normal to have a normal system as a representative or floor leader, and that this visa to the chairman of the emergency committee is an emergency. Is the system that's not normal longer? It's now a strange party with a longer system than normal. So is this an emergency party? It has become an emergency party for the people. So in my view, would the people see this as a good thing?
What kind of emergency committee do you keep saying that? Then, if it becomes clear that Han resigns, he will call a senior meeting before going through a general meeting of lawmakers. A conference body called a senior meeting keeps appearing, and this is not even an official meeting body, so who is going to do that? When this party moves to the emergency committee system, the emergency committee chairman... But it seems to me that there is a high possibility that Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, should report to him. Because I don't think other people will say that they will head the emergency committee at this extraordinary time. I'll have to wait and see.Shouldn't there be a future for this party only when Ma quickly settles the party and floor leader Kwon Seong-dong gives Han Dong-hoon some time before that, and Han makes a quick decision to clean up this divided party? That's how I see it.
[Anchor]
We will give you a breaking news as soon as our position comes out on what kind of decision CEO Han Dong-hoon will make. Now the time for the Constitutional Court has begun. The Constitutional Court has started the impeachment trial process, and the claimant is the National Assembly. The respondent will be President Yoon. In the case of former President Roh Moo Hyun, it took 63 days, and in the case of former President Park Geun Hye, it took 91 days. How long will it take this time?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
The Constitutional Court must issue a sentence within 180 days. It has to be made within six months, which is much simpler than it was under former President Park Geun Hye. It was really simple during the former president Roh Moo Hyun. The impeachment itself was a situation that I didn't understand, so the dismissal came out quickly, and in 60 days. I think this issue is much simpler than before Park Geun Hye. And unlike the first, the second impeachment motion excluded value diplomacy and various Itaewon disasters. So I think it was done to speed up the impeachment trial of the Constitutional Court. It doesn't meet the requirements of the emergency martial law, it's anti-constitutional, and the impeachment was passed by putting it in. Isn't it very important that it's time for the Constitutional Court?
The reason is that Lee Jae-myung has a judicial risk. First of all, there are two cases in which the first trial was decided. November 15 and 25 last month. It's the Public Official Election Act and the perjury teacher case. Anyway, especially in the case of the Public Official Election Act, it is a mandatory regulation to hold the second trial three months after the first trial and to make a Supreme Court ruling three months later. This wasn't followed, but he said he should do this as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Cho now. If that happens, the second trial ruling will come out in February next year, in the case of the Public Official Election Act. And three months later, the Supreme Court ruling is in May. So at this time, April. On April 18th, two Constitutional Judges will be vacant.
So it's probably the Democratic Party's idea to do it quickly before this. Doesn't that mean the Supreme Court ruling won't come out? by simple calculation Of course, February and May are mandatory regulations.Ma can slow down the second trial. I think CEO Lee Jae-myung has that burden. Therefore, I think the Constitutional Court's time is that the Constitutional Court has to supplement the judges now, and three people. There seems to be a controversy over the right to appoint judges earlier. Also, on April 28th, two judges are resigning again, so it will probably take a considerable amount of time.
[Park Sang Kyu]
I have an important date. April 18, 2025. Why is it important? On this day, the two current acting judges, Judge Moon Hyung-bae and Judge Lee Mi-sun, will retire. It should be over before then, but the Democratic Party has already recommended two people, and since the public's power report is also about lawyer Cho Han-chang, I'm not saying that we should go through a confirmation hearing quickly. But they're saying that it can be done within that time. That's what the Democratic Party claims. But I heard that the issue is simple, but the variable is the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. As I said earlier, he made his own argument, attended, and asked for a live broadcast. I'm not saying to call not only the constitutional judges but also constitutional scholars as witnesses to talk. It's hard for it to go that fast. Everything should be done within April 18th, otherwise what happens? On April 18th, the president appoints two people, that's again. Then, wouldn't the president be an acting president? It may be acting Han Deok-soo or someone else, but if acting Han Deok-soo appoints the two and the two change, should the person who was discussing until then be Moon Hyung-bae and Lee Mi-sun, but the person who was deliberating will be excluded and the new person will only vote? So the Democrats are trying to get everything done before April 18th as much as possible.
But when the legal profession talks about it, they say it won't be that simple. Then we'll have to wait and see.There is a part to argue about whether the issue of dryness is simple or not. Acting President Han Deok-soo is at the helm of the appointment of the six judges earlier. I will exercise my right to appoint passively. I can't make such a burden without appointing him. You can do it. These complex issues are intertwined. Some people get annoyed because they keep saying it's complicated, but you have to follow the law and process. So I think that's something we have to wait and see. I have an important thing ahead of me. Article 51 of the Constitutional Court Act. I think President Yoon will be prosecuted within that period. It is a second issue to be prosecuted or arrested urgently, and then if prosecuted, the criminal trial of rebellion and the impeachment trial collide.
[Anchor]
Let me explain it graphically.
[Park Sang Kyu]
In the event of a conflict, the court can suspend the trial proceedings if criminal proceedings are in progress. I'm not saying I have to do it.
[Anchor]
You're saying that President Yoon can request it, right?
[Park Sang Kyu]
I'll make a 100% request. Park Geun Hye During the former president, he rejected it. However, if we make a request this time, we need to discuss the request. We don't know if 6 people will discuss it now or 9 people will discuss it now. Then wouldn't it take time to discuss it? You have to reject that part 100%. What are you talking about? You just have to push fast. This is the Democratic Party's idea, and we don't know what's going to happen. I think this can also be a sufficient issue. So you have to watch it.
[Anchor]
I see. We'll see how the Constitutional Court's clock goes. So far, we have looked into Choi Chang-ryul, a special professor at Yongin University, and Park Sang-gyu, a current affairs critic. Thank you.
※ 'Your report becomes news'
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■ Starring: Park Sang-gyu, current affairs critic, Choi Chang-ryul, special professor at Yongin University
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[Anchor]
With the suspension of President Yoon Suk Yeol's duties, the power of the people is shifting to the theory of responsibility of representative Han Dong-hoon. In order to stabilize the chaotic political situation in the Democratic Party of Korea, Chairman Lee Jae-myung will hold a press conference shortly. Let's take a look at Choi Chang-ryul, a special professor at Yongin University, and Park Sang-gyu, a current affairs critic. Welcome, two of you. The second impeachment motion against President Yoon was passed yesterday afternoon. 204 votes in favor, 85 against, 3 abstentions, and 8 invalid votes. Let's analyze the results first. Professor Choi, how did you see it yesterday?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
I thought it would come out more than I thought. I thought there would be at least 210 votes because there were a lot of leave votes, but the reason I thought about that was because 18 votes were exactly lifted on December 4th. At that time, there were 18 lawmakers who demanded the lifting of martial law due to the power of the people. I don't know if I'll do it because I'm not close to all of them. And when floor leader Kwon Sung-dong was elected, there were 34 people who took pictures of lawmaker Kim Tae-ho. If so, I can think of 18 to 34 votes in a very simple logic, but I don't think it will come out that much. Because the party theory was rejected, lawmakers cannot help but be conscious of the party theory. In this case, as a constitutional institution, it is actually the duty of the National Assembly members in Article 46 of the Constitution to prioritize the interests of the people stated in Article 46 of the Constitution and perform their duties according to their conscience.
So, it doesn't matter when party politics is like this.Nevertheless, lawmakers cannot help but be conscious of the party's theory. So, considering this and that, I don't think I'll go from 18 to 34 votes, and of course, I think I'll get more than 200 votes, and I thought I'd get about 210 votes, but I only got 204 votes. That's why there were 12 leave votes. There are 23 votes including invalidity and abstention, so about 23 votes are 3 votes in favor, 8 votes in favor, and 8 votes in abstention.Ma has more than 20 votes with CEO Han Dong-hoon. CEO Han Dong-hoon said it clearly. I said I should stop my job. Isn't it that the behavior of the people's power after that will collapse the representative system of Han Dong-hoon? All the Supreme Council members resigned. CEO Han Dong-hoon said he won't resign.There seems to be a limit. Anyway, looking at the results of this vote, the People's Power lawmakers are very conservative. When Park Geun Hye was the former president, he still got 62 votes. There was a vote in favor of Saenuri Party leader. Even in the pro-Park faction. But this issue is more serious. The declaration of emergency martial law itself. Of course, I can give you a clue. The trauma of impeachment in 2016 seems to make lawmakers more vulnerable, but it's a very, very personal opinion that only 204 votes were cast. I thought they were conservative in positive terms and very conservative in positive terms and very conservative in honest terms.
[Anchor]
The People's Power Party theory was definitely a rejection. Anyway, there were 12 votes in favor of it, the least from the power of the people. And if you add invalid and abstained votes, 23 votes have left, how did you see it?
[Park Sang Kyu]
It is a part where considerable agony is read. So it's not a clear rejection of the party's argument. Until the end, there was a lot of controversy in the general meeting, and the party's theory was decided to be rejected, but there were no remarks from close lawmakers. So there wasn't a lot. What this is about is that I'm thinking hard until the end. I couldn't make this explicit. As you all know, there was no public approval for the eighth time. I was able to see the eighth so-called magic number. Then why wasn't there a public approval for the eighth time? It's too much to do that. So it's still in history that I was the eighth one. He was reluctant to be surrounded by such internal criticism that it was because of you.
Then there are 12 people, but according to lawmakers who watched the analysis of invalid votes and abstention votes yesterday, they abstained in Korean. And then the most interesting ticket is added, and there's a dot on the side. There's no one who doesn't know that lawmakers have to write Gana Boo in Chinese characters and Gana Boo in Korean. However, I was so concerned that I did this. So some people see all 23 votes as being in favor of it, but I don't see it like that. Only 12 people definitely agreed, and the rest struggled until the end. So, following the party's theory, I'm a little reluctant to have a conscience. Representatives Park Jung-hoon and Bae Hyun-jin, who are close to each other, haven't revealed what they're going to film until the end, and haven't said what I'm going to film even after filming. Why did I do that? These are the parts that say that the power of the people is waterproof, but now, after impeachment, the power of the people is facing a situation that requires a new path. Now it's a different time. It's time for the Constitutional Court, it's time for Lee Jae-myung, and it's time for Han Deok-soo. Members of the People's Power who have read these complex situations. And another important thing is that the Democratic Party's impeachment request pointed out floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, who just came out of the picture, as an accomplice in the rebellion. A member of his own party is willing to go to the impeachment motion, which calls the person who was the floor leader an accomplice for rebellion not long ago? Apart from following the flow of history, it's not easy.
[Anchor]
Since it pointed out floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, there were fewer votes to leave, do you analyze it like this?
[Park Sang Kyu]
I don't think I don't have that part. So, I'm sure you've heard that even in the case of Roh Jong-myeon, we are more than a few votes short of what we expected. As such, there are many difficulties in the vote for the power of the people. That's right, that's the way it is reflected, regardless of whether it's wrong or not, I see it that way.
[Anchor]
Let's take a look at the situation before and after yesterday's vote. In the end, President Yoon was immediately suspended from his duties. After the impeachment was passed, the position recorded by the official residence was released. Let's listen to it.
I will stop for a while, I will never give up, I will do my best for the country until the last minute. Professor Choi, how did you hear it?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
I was surprised by the entrance yesterday. I was surprised by the announcement itself, and it's been a while since the last time we had former President Roh Moo Hyun or President Park Geun Hye.Ma said they had a meeting with the State Council. We had a meeting and announced our position. I'm making a statement. I released a statement, and the December 12th statement was also very shocking, and the content of that statement is like a fight to the end. Consistent with the Dec. 12 statement, the president's logic is read, but he also sees impeachment as unjust. And martial law was justified. Therefore, it is likely to be dismissed in the Constitutional Court's impeachment trial that this is a pause. I'll try to dismiss it, that's what I mean. And on December 12th, I will fight to the end whether it is impeachment or investigation. He said he would fight with the people, and now in that discourse, he said, "I will do my best with the people until the end." From that point of view, I think President Yoon Suk Yeol's idea is clear.
I think he did martial law to save the state of affairs for the country, but I'm telling you a lot, but it wasn't confirmed accurately by putting in the military to normalize the state of affairs and pointing out a few names because the quorum of decisions was not yet made.I think Ma is true. If you put a bunch of statements together. But I don't understand if it's really normalizing state affairs, so I can understand the agony of lawmakers and people's power lawmakers.Ma abstains, invalidates, and there's no way he doesn't know. As critic Park Sang-gyu said. Nevertheless, at this critical time, there were only 12 votes in a situation like this, a very obvious violation of the Constitution and a very strong element of rebellion. Let's talk about the power of the people.What would the people think? This is a completely separate matter from the fact that Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party becomes the president. So yesterday, anyway, I came back to the main point and yesterday's announcement of the president's statement was also shocking. I think it has shown too much that it is too far from the public sentiment.
[Anchor]
How did the critic see it? Does a pause mean I'm sure the Constitution will dismiss it?
[Park Sang Kyu]
Rather than being sure, he will fight, he will fight. I think this is not to fight the people, but to fight legally. You must say that because you have that confidence. There are some clues to reading that. First, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is now suspended. The authority was suspended from 7:24 p.m. yesterday, and to tell you briefly, the place where the National Assembly's impeachment resolution was received is the Children's Garden Conference Room in the presidential office. Where we are is the triangular conference room where President Yoon sits in the middle, Chief of Staff Jeong Jin-seok and then CEO Han Dong-hoon sit facing each other, right? It's there. There, the secretary of general affairs received a resolution saying, "Stop being president." I felt the irony of history.
That's what happened. First of all, he says he will go to the Constitutional Court in person.
This is the first time I've ever seen it. Former President Roh Moo Hyun, former President Park Geun Hye was done by his deputies, you know. But he's saying he's going to go out and asking for a live broadcast. That's how it's known. Both of these are unprecedented. The president will go out on his own. Because he was a prosecutor with a lawyer's license. Usually, it can be confidence, and that's not how you usually do it. But he will go out and do it himself. Then we can't rule out the possibility that this will be quite long. The president will talk about it himself and I'll talk about it. And please call a witness. Let's build it up constitutionally, we can do this and live broadcasting is a completely separate matter.
Of course, the current Constitutional Court should not discuss it. There was also a request during the former president Park Geun Hye. But I rejected it. Then, shouldn't we reject it again this time? I think there's a part where we have to argue about whether it's going to happen or not. You're asking me to broadcast this important issue live, but why don't you? You can do it like this. I'm not trying to argue about it, right or wrong. I'm still arguing that this is an act of governance because I'm doing that and that I'm going to stop and argue, but of course, as the head of the rebellion charge, he's been booked as the pinnacle and he's a suspect. We don't know which investigative agency will prosecute now. There are five investigative agencies now, and the National Assembly has posted both the general and permanent special prosecutors. Of course, it's a question of whether this will be voted on again. Acting President Han Deok-soo may veto it when it is voted on. That happened twice in 2004 when I was acting for Ko Gun. Of course, I don't think so, but since there are a lot of complicated issues, President Yoon seems to be looking forward to this as well.
[Anchor]
As you said, the impeachment resolution was delivered to the president's office at 7:24 p.m. yesterday, and President Yoon's exercise of authority was suspended. Prime Minister Han Deok-soo will take over as acting president, and we will listen to his position.
literally took on an important task, and Prime Minister Han was also accused of rebellion. Some point out that it is inevitable in the theory of responsibility. How far can I exercise my authority?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
Even if it is not necessarily recognized as a suspect, the exercise of the acting president's authority is very ambiguous. There's no such thing as to how much you should exercise and how much you shouldn't exercise. Since it is not in the constitutional provisions, it is done according to various theories and customs. However, there seems to be a part that follows a lot of the judgment of the prime minister, acting president, and acting president. We talked about former acting president Ko Gun earlier. I vetoed it then, too.
[Anchor]
At that time, they vetoed amendments to the amnesty law.
[Choi Chang-ryul]
The acting president exercised his veto power, and in 2016, the acting president Hwang Kyo-ahn appointed a judge recommended by the Chief Justice when he supplemented the Constitutional Court judge. It was not up to the National Assembly's recommendation. That's why there's no point where you have to do it or not. There is also the question of how far the ROK military can exercise the right to command, the veto issue, the personnel rights issue, and so on. Then, the amnesty issue. You can do all of this. Since it is acting on behalf of the authority, exercise the authority because the president's office has been suspended until the elected power of the president is established. But regardless of the elected power, this is acting on the basis of the rank of the vacancy or accident under Article 71 of the Constitution. So I think there will be a limit to this.
After all, in a democracy, because it's elective power, it's delegated the sovereignty of the state, and it's exercised because it's delegated some of the sovereign's sovereignty, but there's both. Nevertheless, there are parts that the acting authority can exercise and it's not an elected power. It's not an easy problem because there are these things. So I don't think I can do it in the end. The acting president has no choice but to cooperate with the National Assembly. The opposition party is completely in control of legislative power anyway. It's the National Assembly before it's the opposition.
Since it is a National Assembly that includes the ruling and opposition parties, we consult with the opposition parties, including the ruling party and the opposition party. He abandoned his leadership like President Yoon, and now he really actively communicates with the opposition and seeks cooperation from the opposition party. President Yoon's perception now is basically that the opposition party is a group that interferes with state affairs. There is such a perception that it is a criminal's den.
The opposition would be unhappy with that. Despite representative Lee Jae-myung's various judicial risks, it would be very difficult for the ruling camp to accept him as the No. 1 presidential candidate. Nevertheless, this is the political reality. It's a reality, so I think acting Han Deok-soo should fully talk and cooperate with the opposition party, taking into account that reality. I think it's okay for me. As acting Han Deok-soo said earlier, I think it is the way to lead the state administration in a stable manner. Of course, that includes the ruling party.
[Anchor]
Acting President Han Deok-soo said that he should seek the cooperation of the opposition party, but the role of the acting president is likely to be controversial in the coming months. In the end, attention is being paid to whether to exercise the right to veto, and the time to veto six bills passed by the plenary session, including Kwon Sung-dong, floor leader of the People's Power, and the four agricultural laws, will be until the 17th. It's Tuesday. As I approached, I said that I would change this and suggest an event.
[Park Sang Kyu]
I think there is a good chance of vetoing it. Because this part was discussed when acting Han Deok-soo was prime minister. So you're probably thinking that it's right to veto this bill. Because he's working under President Yoon Suk Yeol and he's aware of the problems in this area. But you change your position 180 degrees just because you became an acting president overnight? I think that's not the case. Of course, there's pressure. The big Democratic Party of Korea is opening its eyes wide, and in the part mentioned earlier, acting Han Deok-soo is seen by the National Police Agency as a hatcher of the alleged rebellion. It's difficult to say that this hatcher is a Chinese character, but it means that he hatched his brain. He entered the Cabinet meeting with 11 members of the State Council and actively stopped him, but since this is such a serious criminal charge that a civil war is a serious crime, even a hatcher can be sentenced to more than a safe.
[Anchor]
You're saying that he played the next role, right?
[Park Sang Kyu]
So, I think that the responsibility is not small, and there is a bank. There are two things. Then, if the police take more action than a charge if they do not accept the Democratic Party's request, the acting president can be booked as a criminal suspect right away. Also, the opposition party is strongly demanding the appointment of a constitutional judge who is about to exercise his veto power in that way. I'll fill it up in 10 days. However, only passive personnel rights can exercise this as an acting authority. I also had the experience of serving as the head of the Office for Government Policy Coordination under Goh Kun in 2004. What are you going to do if you say you only want to do passive things and don't appoint me? It could be like this. If that happens, there is a possibility that the Democratic Party will come up with impeachment again. The legal community now believes that acting Han Deok-soo can be impeached as much as possible. There will be a burden on the Democratic Party to impeach the acting president.
You're impeaching the acting president again before the ink dries up? But if you're in a hurry, you can do it. Then Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok will become the second acting president according to the Constitution and laws. Public opinion is now that President Yoon is impeached and his duties are suspended, would he want that kind of process? That could be a burden to the Democratic Party. This is the assumption, but it can be that way. You talked about the military commander-in-chief earlier, but Han Deok-soo, acting president of the NSC, convened urgently last night and is expressing his will. We have to cooperate with the National Assembly. The Democratic Party of Korea and the power of the people are in this National Assembly. We have to wait and see what we're going to do.
[Anchor]
He predicted that he would exercise the right to demand reconsideration on six bills, including the Agricultural 4 Act, but the public's interest is the right to veto it. Whether acting Han Deok-soo will veto the fourth Kim Gun-hee independent counsel law or the general independent counsel law against civil war, more attention is focused on this.
[Choi Chang Ryul]
It's not easy to predict, but in this situation, other bills, such policy things that I talked about earlier, were done when I was prime minister, so there's a justification for vetoing them because it's a matter of policy. If you say so, this is the same. The veto was exercised during the prime minister's time, so this is the same, but this is something else. matters concerning the President's family Don't you think it's linked to this kind of problem? Failure to meet the requirements of the emergency martial law has nothing to do with First Lady Kim Gun-hee. Anyway, the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee and the current general civil war special prosecutor are related to this issue. It's about the president's case. Of course, he retains the presidency.
[Anchor]
The prime minister himself is a little involved.
[Choi Chang Ryul]
The Prime Minister himself is also involved, but I don't think I can exercise my veto in this situation. The opposition party is putting pressure on it like this. It should be seen as pressure from the people rather than pressure from the opposition. You saw our people in Yeouido yesterday. So I don't know anything else, but I don't think I can veto the independent counsel related to the civil war or Kim Gun-hee's independent counsel. That's what I predict.
[Anchor]
If the veto is exercised in connection with the exercise of the veto, the Democratic Party's opposition is obvious. In that case, the critic pointed it out, but what do you think of the possibility of Joule impeachment?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
I think I'm going to impeach you. If you look at it that way. If impeached, Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok will act as an acting president, and the burden will be huge. But I think the Democratic Party will push until the end. Judging from the current Democratic Party of Korea's various behaviors, I think it will be impeached, but I don't think we should go like that. So, in this regard, Acting President Han Deok-soo should not veto the civil war or the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee. How many times has it been? There is plenty of room for it to be interpreted as contrary to the will of the people. Because it's different from other situations. I don't want you to veto it because it's different from the general policy part. And then it's better for Han Deok-soo to remain acting. If the deputy prime minister acts as an acting president again, it's the same thing because it's under the Constitution, but there are legal and political things. It would be different for the prime minister to act as an acting president and the deputy prime minister to act as an acting president. The weight and stuff. So if these parts become like this, the state administration will be completely paralyzed. What can the deputy prime minister do? no matter how much of an acting authority So I refrained from doing such things as Prime Minister Han Deok-soo and acting president. The opposition also needs to go carefully to push too far.
[Anchor]
Should we refrain from vetoing and impeaching the Joule?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
The opposition party has definitely had such things as impeachment. I think we need to refrain from that, too.
[Park Sang Kyu]
I have to look at the response of the United States in this area, for example. Now, the Trump administration will be launched on January 20, and before that, the United States is now the Biden administration. President Biden spoke on the phone with an acting president and Tony Blinken, the current U.S. Secretary of State, praised the resilience of democracy. This means that the U.S. is the restoration of Korea's democratic process. There was also a position to support this. In this implication, further confusion, further undemocratic deviations. This means that the United States doesn't want it either. Is it all about the U.S.? It's important. The Korea-U.S. alliance is an area that the people are very interested in right now. Given that security must be firmly established first, wasn't that the first emergency meeting of the NSC late at night, the phone call with Biden, and the statement of the U.S. Secretary of State came out one after another?
Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the Democratic Party, should pay attention to this. I'm no longer an operational leader. How will the people see it if they stay in the position of such a leader who opposes it? In that sense, I can really trust it now. You may have seen the trusted leader poll this time. I won't mention the figures, but I know that Chairman Woo Won-sik exceeded the majority in the first place. Where is the will of the people? The people are supporting a leader who is leading this crisis in a responsible and orderly manner. All leaders, both open and open, pay attention to this and take action. It's Sunday today, but the people are calm. I'm looking forward to it in the political circle. I hope there's no more confusion. I hope you can see this well.
[Anchor]
He pointed out that the ruling party and the opposition party should refrain from doing so for the sake of national prestige. Let's also look at the power situation of the people who have been in chaos since the passing of the impeachment bill. First, let's listen to CEO Han Dong-hoon's entrance yesterday.
[Anchor]
Chairman Han Dong-hoon said, "I don't regret encouraging him to pass the impeachment bill. I will continue to perform my duties as to whether he will resign." First of all, I made it like this. I virtually rejected the resignation theory, but can I continue without resigning?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
I don't think it's going to be easy. We are coming to a situation where we have no choice but to go to the emergency committee system. According to the Party Constitutional Party regulations, it is going to the emergency committee system, but if it goes to the emergency committee system, the representative must resign. The representative is stepping down, but the emergency committee chairman can be appointed by the representative. However, if floor leader Kwon Sung-dong resigns from the leadership, he will become an acting president again. an acting representative Then, I will appoint a successor as an acting representative. This means that CEO Han Dong-hoon has no intention of stepping down at the moment. If you don't resign, there's no way you can let him come down. Even if it transitions to an emergency committee system. But that doesn't mean you have to automatically step down.
So that's probably a big question of how to deal with it within the power of the people. It's already what we expected. There were 204 votes. If there were quite a lot of votes, internal redness could not occur. We will quickly go under representative Han Dong-hoon, but with only 204 votes, the internal feud has become severe. It's exactly what I expected. I once told you that if there are fewer upvotes, my internal feud will be amplified. That's where I came in. And the party's theory was rejected until the end, and in the end, representative Han Dong-hoon failed to take control of the party in terms of leadership within the party in the end. He failed to take control of the party, but I think Han Deok-soo made another statement on the 8th after the president made a statement on December 7th. He said it was a two-term retreat, but anyway, CEO Han Dong-hoon's behavior was a little disappointing. He said that he should have pushed his thoughts to the end, but he said right after the declaration of the emergency martial law on December 3rd, that it was unconstitutional and illegal. You should have pushed forward with that tone.
Then, even if you can't represent yourself, CEO Han Dong-hoon's footprint remains very strong. Of course, since he insisted on approval until the end, I think CEO Han Dong-hoon did his job as a representative. However, the topography of power within the power of the people and the topography of perception are very far from the general public. From the public's perception, there were only 204 votes. I told you earlier, too.Aren't the people overwhelmingly in favor of impeachment now? However, representative Han Dong-hoon is responsible for the members of the People's Power Party, citing various reasons. What should I be responsible for? It's in line with the will of the people. Why should a leader who is in line with public sentiment be held accountable? It's kind of a political engineering landscape within the party. I think it's going to be a little difficult in this situation.
However, the people's power to evict such people may be useless to say this, but no matter how many Daegu-Gyeongbuk lawmakers there are still. In this situation, I have never criticized a specific political party so much in view of the people's behavior of denying those who say that impeachment should be approved or passed, and that the president's emergency martial law is wrong. I think the power of the people is a party that is gradually moving away from the public sentiment. It's my personal opinion.
[Anchor]
In summary, all members of the Supreme Council Kim Min-jeon, Kim Jae-won, In Yo-han, Jang Dong-hyuk, and Jin Jong-oh expressed their resignations. And if four out of five elected officials resign, the leadership will collapse according to the People's Power Party and Constitutional Party regulations. But in the case of lawmaker Jin Jong-oh, I'm a close friend. Why did he express his resignation?
[Park Sang Kyu]
In a word, it's like this. Think about it. In the past, when we lost the by-election for the head of Gangseo-gu, the leadership was responsible even though it was a small matter that would not be compared to the current situation. What fault did the leadership do to take responsibility then? You can lose the election. And our public opinion is not good, you said. Still, I stepped down. That's the practice so far. The president may not follow the practice, but the president of the ruling party was impeached on charges of rebellion. But a member of the leadership, especially a representative, is not stepping down? This doesn't fit your emotions, either.
So, even though I'm not at fault, I'm going to keep leading the leadership when the party looks like this and the passport collapses like this? You want to be the representative? It's not acceptable emotionally. So even in the case of lawmaker Jin Jong-oh, it was unexpected at first, but it was disastrous. They gathered for a general meeting of the lawmakers, but they said they were depressed. So, the pro-Yoon leadership is expressing its resignation one after the other, but Rep. Jang Dong-hyuk and Rep. Jin Jong-oh, who you just mentioned, will step down. That's how it broke down.
[Anchor]
I don't think CEO Han Dong-hoon knew in advance that his close friends would step down.
[Park Sang Kyu]
That's how big the issue was yesterday. It's just a mental breakdown. So, in this situation, the Supreme Council members must take responsibility for something. I think this spontaneous decision was made. As that happens, the Supreme Council was virtually extinguished yesterday. Then, even if Han Dong-hoon, an out-of-house representative, represents, in which conference will you represent? If you do that alone, will you continue to be a representative who only announces the entrance in front of the elevator? That's not right. It's not fair. He probably has a lot to say. There's a word that expresses CEO Han Dong-hoon these days. Go back and forth. Let's split it. Back and forth. Apart from your unfairness, those names are following you right now. As CEO Han Dong-hoon, we need time for self-reflection, reflection, and reflection. The representative may not step down.
But he only carries his business card. The ruling party should no longer burden representative Han Dong-hoon with everything. We have to take responsibility together. Everyone should apologize for this situation to the public. Can TK, PK MPs be safe? It's not like that. Just because 85 people voted for it doesn't mean that the people are looking down on the 85 people. I'm going to be reborn as a person who really harmonizes. At least we should show such a figure to conservative supporters to think about whether the people will give them a chance or not. I'm not even sure I'll give you
. In this regard, let's not cling to whether Han Dong-hoon will become a neighborhood lawyer or not, but make a real sincere apology to the people and how to deal with this situation in an orderly manner. Let's cooperate with Acting President Han Deok-soo and meet with Representative Lee Jae-myung immediately. If the subject is not representative Han Dong-hoon, then floor leader Kwon Sung-dong should step up and gather wisdom to solve this difficult situation. I think we need to go out like this.
I think CEO Han Dong-hoon should quickly organize his position. And there's a saying that the way to step down without sticking to the representative position is to find a way out. The caterpillar seems to shrink for a while, but it is possible to stretch it out and take two or three steps forward, and that is also possible if the people allow it. I think you have to go in that position.
[Anchor]
You just mentioned that you are a local lawyer, but since representative Han Dong-hoon is not an active member of the parliament, if he steps down as representative, he will just become a regular member, right?
[Park Sang Kyu]
I just thought about it, is there a name beyond that?
[Anchor]
Among the graphics you just showed me, there is a graphic that expresses the situation of yesterday's general meeting, so it would be good to show it to me. Yesterday, representative Han Dong-hoon said this to the lawmakers' protest to step down. Did I vote? That's why I created a dissenting party line. That's how we fought. And did I do emergency martial law? It is said that they responded like this. Some analysts said that this straightforward method caused opposition to internal lawmakers.
[Choi Chang Ryul]
However, it's not a backlash against the straightforward method, it's a difference of opinion. That's more of the essence. Do you protest because you said it like that? Wouldn't you have protested if you'd said it nicely? I don't think that's important. Basically, out of 204 votes now, there are 108 to 85% of the wealth. I keep making the same argument today, what percentage of Gallup's votes were in favor of impeaching the president last week? Wasn't it overwhelming? Then, the people are overwhelmingly asking the president to impeach him for declaring an emergency martial law in violation of the Constitution, and he kept saying that he should not claim the impeachment, and the power of the people has come this far. I didn't expect it to be right.
I thought it would be at least 210 votes, but I also misunderstood the power of the people. But anyway, in this situation, you have to take responsibility for the representative in that way. That's what happened with my passport. I'm not saying take responsibility for the impeachment, I'm saying take responsibility for the loss of trust in the ruling party to this extent. The party leader. But it's not that the pro-Youns couldn't block the impeachment of the president. That's why I think it's responsible, but the reason why I'm responsible is different. Anyway, it's moral responsibility. It's about taking political responsibility. This is a bit different. The resignation you make when you lose an election, of course, you have to take responsibility for that. Whether it's a general election, a branch or a presidential election. But this is a little different, but anyway, since the passport has come to this point, the party leader cannot remain alone. In addition, Jin Jong-oh and Jang Dong-hyuk, who are close to Korea, all resigned.
If so, I don't think there's a way for the CEO to remain as the CEO. How do I represent you? As I said earlier, it's not like we can have a meeting alone. I don't think there's any point in sticking to the CEO position anymore. Is it meaningful to be a representative in the power of the people? It's something that most of my friends don't admit. As expected, from CEO Han Dong-hoon's point of view, there is no need to dwell on the representative position, or it is a life-or-death situation. I told you that there is a regret for that, and critic Park Sang-gyu said, "Let's go back and forth." I won't use that expression, but anyway, there is definitely something that Han Dong-hoon is disappointed about. There is such a regret for not consistently speaking out about your arguments, and you have to reflect on that. Nevertheless, the passport continues to behave like this? This trauma is what they make. Why did it happen in 2016?
Even after that, many of the pro-Park members did not reflect on themselves, so they took over the government. Reflect on yourself now. If that happens, I can't guarantee that the administration will be handed over to the opposition party. The people are watching it again. Isn't there a judicial risk representative Lee Jae-myung? But they're locking themselves up. Members of the People's Power. I think the power of the people is trapped in a way that is different from the will of the people.
[Anchor]
You have expressed that you are confining yourself, but I don't think the internal feud of the people's power will be resolved within a day or two, so what do you think about the possibility of division?
[Park Sang Kyu]
I don't think Bundang is a possibility right now. Because I think the important numbers were 18, 34. When the 18 people you mentioned earlier took the initiative of CEO Han Dong-hoon to lift the emergency martial law and agreed to lift the emergency martial law, the number and 34 people. The number that pushed Rep. Kim Tae-ho to be the non-Yoon-gye floor leader. So if this comes close to 34 votes, the representative system of Han Dong-hoon would not have collapsed. However, as the votes came out much less than expected, CEO Han Dong-hoon now has no centrifugal force and no centripetal force. But you're leaving the party after CEO Han? It's an act of self-destruction. And most importantly, the most important thing now is to prevent division before Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, is to run for the floor leader. Because I said that, there is another story about former President Syngman Rhee in the past that if we unite, we live and if we disperse, we die. 108 seats are also shaking right now, and 85 seats have been sold. Why would the people see them united now with such a good eye? Rather than that, I think I need to gather the party now. Who do you think would like it if I split up?
And if we divide the party, the second opposition party, and then the divided party, can be smaller than the Cho Kuk Innovation Party, so would we have such a political self-destruct? That's the way to self-destruct. Rather than Bundang, think about what you said earlier and make a wise judgment and find a way to contribute to the party. The word that comes out at times like this is Baek Ui-jong. CEO Han Dong-hoon said, "If you think about what you can do for the party from now on, quitting the representative doesn't end everything. I think I'm being a bit impatient.Ma is in the lead in the polls for the next presidential candidate in the ruling party, although the number is small. Still, CEO Han Dong-hoon. I hope you think about it again over the weekend and in a few days and make your position clear. I think there's a way.
[Anchor]
As you said, we must prevent division. Kwon Sung-dong, the party's floor leader with the idea, dissuaded the Supreme Council membership scandal to prevent a split, according to a report yesterday. There was a story like this, but in the end, you couldn't dissuade him, right? Floor leader Kwon Sung-dong was the chairman of the Judiciary Committee at the time of former President Park Geun Hye's impeachment. And he founded the Bareun Party and left. Because he had such experience, he was in a position to prevent division, but in the end, he failed to prevent the collapse of the leadership.
[Choi Chang Ryul]
Floor leader Kwon Sung-dong is known as the core of pro-yoon, so-called pro-yoon. Nevertheless, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong has a very good image within the ruling party. It's plain and reasonable, as you say now. And even when former President Park Geun Hye was impeached, he defected to the Bareun Party, and I'm not saying that leaving the party is easy and reasonable, but I'm a person who judges in my own way. I think that's why I said that. I don't think that's why it wasn't a good thing for everyone in the Supreme Council to resign. If it's anything else, I should resign to apologize to the people a hundred times. This is that apologizing to the people was not resigning. What are you responsible for? Isn't he resigning because he couldn't keep the presidency? He resigned regardless of the will of the people. In other cases, doesn't resign take responsibility and resign? The meaning of resignation is different.
So I was surprised that Jang Dong-hyuk, the Supreme Council member Jin Jong-oh, and of course, there must have been pressure from the close circle, and he resigned because of the weight of being the best of the party, but I think Kwon Sung-dong made a reasonable judgment that he was able to hold his position firmly and dissuade him from resigning to the best of In Yo-han.
[Anchor]
Once again, if four of the five elected supreme council members resign, the supreme council will be automatically dissolved and an emergency committee will be established. So, some analysts say that CEO Han Dong-hoon is using the so-called strategy of holding out because of the appointment of the emergency committee chairman.
[Park Sang Kyu]
As I can see from the breaking news last night, the power of the people already goes to the acting system of Kwon Sung-dong.
[Anchor]
If we went under the acting system, should we see Han Dong-hoon as the representative of the emergency committee, saying that he cannot appoint the chairman of the emergency committee?
[Park Sang Kyu]
We need an official procedure for the representative to step down, but it's already been switched to the emergency committee. Because I've offered to resign, but the representative has to accept it. There will be some formal procedures like that. But it's only a matter of time. Then, who will be the emergency committee chairman? By the way, I think the power of the people is the sixth person to be appointed as the emergency committee chairman. It means that it is not normal to have a normal system as a representative or floor leader, and that this visa to the chairman of the emergency committee is an emergency. Is the system that's not normal longer? It's now a strange party with a longer system than normal. So is this an emergency party? It has become an emergency party for the people. So in my view, would the people see this as a good thing?
What kind of emergency committee do you keep saying that? Then, if it becomes clear that Han resigns, he will call a senior meeting before going through a general meeting of lawmakers. A conference body called a senior meeting keeps appearing, and this is not even an official meeting body, so who is going to do that? When this party moves to the emergency committee system, the emergency committee chairman... But it seems to me that there is a high possibility that Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, should report to him. Because I don't think other people will say that they will head the emergency committee at this extraordinary time. I'll have to wait and see.Shouldn't there be a future for this party only when Ma quickly settles the party and floor leader Kwon Seong-dong gives Han Dong-hoon some time before that, and Han makes a quick decision to clean up this divided party? That's how I see it.
[Anchor]
We will give you a breaking news as soon as our position comes out on what kind of decision CEO Han Dong-hoon will make. Now the time for the Constitutional Court has begun. The Constitutional Court has started the impeachment trial process, and the claimant is the National Assembly. The respondent will be President Yoon. In the case of former President Roh Moo Hyun, it took 63 days, and in the case of former President Park Geun Hye, it took 91 days. How long will it take this time?
[Choi Chang Ryul]
The Constitutional Court must issue a sentence within 180 days. It has to be made within six months, which is much simpler than it was under former President Park Geun Hye. It was really simple during the former president Roh Moo Hyun. The impeachment itself was a situation that I didn't understand, so the dismissal came out quickly, and in 60 days. I think this issue is much simpler than before Park Geun Hye. And unlike the first, the second impeachment motion excluded value diplomacy and various Itaewon disasters. So I think it was done to speed up the impeachment trial of the Constitutional Court. It doesn't meet the requirements of the emergency martial law, it's anti-constitutional, and the impeachment was passed by putting it in. Isn't it very important that it's time for the Constitutional Court?
The reason is that Lee Jae-myung has a judicial risk. First of all, there are two cases in which the first trial was decided. November 15 and 25 last month. It's the Public Official Election Act and the perjury teacher case. Anyway, especially in the case of the Public Official Election Act, it is a mandatory regulation to hold the second trial three months after the first trial and to make a Supreme Court ruling three months later. This wasn't followed, but he said he should do this as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Cho now. If that happens, the second trial ruling will come out in February next year, in the case of the Public Official Election Act. And three months later, the Supreme Court ruling is in May. So at this time, April. On April 18th, two Constitutional Judges will be vacant.
So it's probably the Democratic Party's idea to do it quickly before this. Doesn't that mean the Supreme Court ruling won't come out? by simple calculation Of course, February and May are mandatory regulations.Ma can slow down the second trial. I think CEO Lee Jae-myung has that burden. Therefore, I think the Constitutional Court's time is that the Constitutional Court has to supplement the judges now, and three people. There seems to be a controversy over the right to appoint judges earlier. Also, on April 28th, two judges are resigning again, so it will probably take a considerable amount of time.
[Park Sang Kyu]
I have an important date. April 18, 2025. Why is it important? On this day, the two current acting judges, Judge Moon Hyung-bae and Judge Lee Mi-sun, will retire. It should be over before then, but the Democratic Party has already recommended two people, and since the public's power report is also about lawyer Cho Han-chang, I'm not saying that we should go through a confirmation hearing quickly. But they're saying that it can be done within that time. That's what the Democratic Party claims. But I heard that the issue is simple, but the variable is the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. As I said earlier, he made his own argument, attended, and asked for a live broadcast. I'm not saying to call not only the constitutional judges but also constitutional scholars as witnesses to talk. It's hard for it to go that fast. Everything should be done within April 18th, otherwise what happens? On April 18th, the president appoints two people, that's again. Then, wouldn't the president be an acting president? It may be acting Han Deok-soo or someone else, but if acting Han Deok-soo appoints the two and the two change, should the person who was discussing until then be Moon Hyung-bae and Lee Mi-sun, but the person who was deliberating will be excluded and the new person will only vote? So the Democrats are trying to get everything done before April 18th as much as possible.
But when the legal profession talks about it, they say it won't be that simple. Then we'll have to wait and see.There is a part to argue about whether the issue of dryness is simple or not. Acting President Han Deok-soo is at the helm of the appointment of the six judges earlier. I will exercise my right to appoint passively. I can't make such a burden without appointing him. You can do it. These complex issues are intertwined. Some people get annoyed because they keep saying it's complicated, but you have to follow the law and process. So I think that's something we have to wait and see. I have an important thing ahead of me. Article 51 of the Constitutional Court Act. I think President Yoon will be prosecuted within that period. It is a second issue to be prosecuted or arrested urgently, and then if prosecuted, the criminal trial of rebellion and the impeachment trial collide.
[Anchor]
Let me explain it graphically.
[Park Sang Kyu]
In the event of a conflict, the court can suspend the trial proceedings if criminal proceedings are in progress. I'm not saying I have to do it.
[Anchor]
You're saying that President Yoon can request it, right?
[Park Sang Kyu]
I'll make a 100% request. Park Geun Hye During the former president, he rejected it. However, if we make a request this time, we need to discuss the request. We don't know if 6 people will discuss it now or 9 people will discuss it now. Then wouldn't it take time to discuss it? You have to reject that part 100%. What are you talking about? You just have to push fast. This is the Democratic Party's idea, and we don't know what's going to happen. I think this can also be a sufficient issue. So you have to watch it.
[Anchor]
I see. We'll see how the Constitutional Court's clock goes. So far, we have looked into Choi Chang-ryul, a special professor at Yongin University, and Park Sang-gyu, a current affairs critic. Thank you.
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