[New Square 10] Han Deok-soo puts on hold the double special prosecutor's proposal...Hey, "Impeachment starts immediately".
■ Host: Anchor Park Seok-won and anchor Um Ji-min
■ Starring: Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Research Institute
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN New Square 10AM] when quoting.
[Anchor]
Acting President Han Deok-soo decided not to introduce the so-called "bilateral special prosecution law" at a Cabinet meeting today, and the Democratic Party announced that it would immediately start the process of impeaching Han.
Let's take a look at the situation with the two of you. Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute, will be with you. Welcome.
It just came out this morning, and I think the Democratic Party actually brought up the impeachment card of Acting President Han Deok-soo.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Didn't we set a deadline for the 24th? I'm telling you to announce something about the double special prosecutor. There can be controversy in two ways. The first is actually Park Chan-dae, floor leader, what authority can he set a deadline on the 24th? According to the floor constitution and law, isn't it guaranteed until January 1st next year? However, it is bound to be criticized for such a part as to what is the legal basis for whether it can be ignored and processed so forcibly. Another thing is that the political circle is now talking about discussing state stability through the ruling and opposition parties' government consultative body.
But if you're holding a stability card in one hand and an impeachment card in the other, what is the Democratic Party's intention? Since there is a lot of room for such an attack as to what is true, today is the 24th, and there is only about a week left until January 1, but I don't think it will be too late to make a decision after looking at the situation. Is it right to show off your strength like this? If you look at it now, isn't it the Democratic Party that attacked emergency martial law, which should not have emergency martial law, as unconstitutional and illegal? However, I think there is plenty of room for criticism that they are trying to use the power of the National Assembly in the end, a little too excessively, for something that can be done ignoring the set time until January 1st.
[Anchor]
Acting Han Deok-soo also urged the ruling and opposition parties to make a compromise, but in the end, how did you see the Democratic Party of Korea taking out the impeachment card like this?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, from the perspective of the Democratic Party, I think that if acting Han Deok-soo rejects all situations, he can't take a step further. Therefore, it would be burdensome for the acting prime minister to push for impeachment, but for now, he puts pressure on the impeachment. But I think we have to wait and see if we actually go ahead with impeachment. Because if impeachment is pursued, will the quorum of votes be a majority equivalent to the prime minister or two-thirds equivalent to the acting prime minister? These are the parts that remain. In particular, more than two-thirds of them pushed for impeachment, which could be rejected, and the legal legitimacy of the passage could be controversial. If it's two-thirds, but it's more than a majority, will you recognize that part? There's this controversy.
At this time, I think the key will be held by National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik. So, since he was a member of the Democratic Party of Korea, I don't know if National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik and the Democratic Party will discuss this internally, but we need to be a little cautious about whether we will present it directly. [Anchor] Don't you have concerns about headwinds within the Democratic Party? What do you think is the reason why you strongly brought up the impeachment card despite your concerns about whether public opinion is working against you because of unconstitutional and illegal factors?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
There are two main things. There is a part that we need to turn the impeachment clock quickly, and furthermore, if we drag on like that in relation to the special prosecution now, we may eventually delay the appointment of the three constitutional judges recommended by the National Assembly. It can be seen as a kind of warning. How can it be up to the Speaker of the National Assembly to dispute this part that you just said? How is it up to the speaker to determine the part determined by the speaker of the National Assembly? Shouldn't it be done in accordance with the Constitution and the law? You're acting right now. For example, if you impeach him during the prime minister, you have a majority of the registered members, but your current position is the acting president. Acting power meets all the requirements of the president, but can you raise your hand that the speaker of the National Assembly is correct just because he did it unilaterally in that way? How can we accept that. I don't think this is the case.
In that sense, the Democratic Party should tell the National Assembly speaker not to do it. At a time when you are trying to form a ruling-opposition-government consultative body with your own proposal, if you look at the four-member system of the ruling-opposition-government consultative body, wouldn't you have an acting authority now? The chairman of the National Assembly and the leaders of the ruling and opposition parties are entering, but in a way, they ignore the ruling-opposition-government consultative body that they talked about, will the chairman of the National Assembly accept that? It would be strange for me to accept it. In that sense, I would like to say to the people that we should proceed with all this in accordance with the Constitution and laws more carefully and calmly.
[Choi Jin]
If we summarize what Professor Kim Hyung-joon said again, the question of how far we will recognize the legal status of the acting authority comes down again, and the two sides are divided on this part. There is a logic that the president should be recognized as he is because he literally acts as a president, but in a way, the president is an acting president because he was left behind and inherited. The other is the elected office, so the president is two-thirds, and the prime minister is not an elected office, but an appointed office, so there is a controversy over the pros and cons of how the president can be given the same status as the president.
Therefore, if the vote on the impeachment process of acting Han Deok-soo is actually carried out, there may be considerable legal controversy. So I'll put pressure on it publicly now, but I think there's room for compromise at the end of this part. And in fact, from the perspective of the Democratic Party of Korea, isn't there an additional appointment of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo as soon as he goes into impeachment and three more constitutional members? Since this is what the Democratic Party is focusing on, I think the Democratic Party can think about the effectiveness of impeachment and which is more profitable than the headwind of public sentiment.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
But what is falling into the logical contradiction now is that because he is the prime minister now, he should not appoint a constitutional judge if he is able to pass the registration with 151 seats. How can the prime minister appoint a constitutional judge? According to our Constitution, constitutional judges are appointed by the President. But what did the Democratic Party say now? I told you to quickly appoint if we recommend it. In that case, the position of acting president is recognized, and when impeaching him, it is 151 seats because he is the prime minister. Where is such a logical contradiction?
In that sense, how can democracy work properly when the rule of law collapses, whether it is the Democratic Party or the people's power, only if they show that they will act in accordance with the Constitution and laws with principles? In that sense, Park Chan-dae, the floor leader, seems excited now, but he seems to have a strong desire to show off his strength, but I repeatedly emphasize that it is not a desirable path in my view.
[Choi Jin]
Just to say, you're saying a logical contradiction, but I think the ruling and opposition parties are in the same contradiction. In fact, don't you say not to hold an event just by exercising your veto? If it's the acting president, wouldn't Han Deok-soo be able to exercise his veto? But he told me not to do that, too. The Constitutional Court's request for an appointment is that the Democratic Party is also in a logical contradiction that has fallen into self-immolation. So I think both the ruling and opposition parties are in quite a logical contradiction. Why? Because the law is not clear. I'm telling you that you can't conclude which one is right or wrong.
[Anchor]
The ruling-opposition government council will hold its first meeting on the 26th, but the interpretation is divided because the legal regulations are not clear. What happens if we don't find a consultation point at this meeting?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The current situation is quite a situation that we did not predict. I think the National Assembly Speaker should show leadership. Shouldn't there be two key discussions? It's a symbolic situation in some way. The biggest thing is how to achieve national unity and stabilize state affairs. So you're asking me to gather the very controversial factors that I'm talking about and find a political solution. It's not a legal solution, but a political solution, and the second is that this is really a big deal.
When it comes to the economy. The exchange rate is soaring now, and the second Trump system is likely to be launched soon, and isn't it very difficult for the people's livelihood economy, including the self-employed? If that's the case, what's really absurd is that the budget hasn't been executed, but it's a very difficult situation to even come up with an extra budget. How can I solve this problem? In particular, the biggest problem is how to increase external credibility. Then, I think that if Chairman Woo Won-sik increases his external credibility through parliamentary diplomacy, the ruling and opposition parties will probably discuss these two things together to find their own ways. There, I would like to say that it is difficult for the ruling-opposition party-government consultative body to operate, what is the case with the early presidential election, the Constitution, and the investigation.
[Choi Jin]
I quite agree on that part, but I think the immediate impeachment of acting Han Deok-soo is very helpful to the ruling and opposition parties at this point and not to the power of the people. And most of all, there is time until January 1st, so-called the double special prosecutor. And on December 26th, there is a council between the ruling and opposition parties. I don't think it's very helpful for the Democratic Party to push it with power just because it's something to solve with political power, but it's blocked right away.
[Anchor]
Yesterday, Roh Sang-won, former intelligence commander, who is suspected of plotting martial law, secured a notebook, and the contents of closing, killing, and collecting the National Assembly are written in the notebook. How did you see this?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Won't the prosecution investigate now? What's surprising is that as you put it now, it's killing. That's why Kim Eo-jun once talked about the shooting. When CEO Han Dong-hoon immediately arrested and killed him, he said it was absurd and it was a story like a novel, and he apologized himself. Nevertheless, the problem of killing comes out in the notebook. The bad part also induces North Korea's attacks in the NLL. This is a foreign exchange crime.
It is not a crime of rebellion, but a crime of foreign exchange, and it is difficult to clearly judge whether this is a record of what you personally wrote down what you just thought or whether it is a very well-organized script after the emergency martial law. However, a comprehensive analysis of what is being said shows that the necessity of martial law and the form of martial law that President Yoon Suk Yeol is talking about are fictional. For example, what did the president say? You said this was martial law.
But is this martial law a form of bluffing? The part that had a high political purpose and eventually tried to paralyze the function of the institution elected by the constitutional institution by force is the national constitutional controversy. capable of supporting this Although the president's lawyers have not been formed, this is not a civil war on the part of the president's lawyers. I'm talking about where there is a two-hour civil war, but if these parts related to preliminary conspiracy are empirically proven, I think this is a huge aftermath, and I think this is a super-special issue that will affect the prosecution's investigation and the Constitutional Court's trial.
[Choi Jin]
That's how the media put it. a fortune teller's notebook of Bodhisattva on the road It looks like a Pandora box to me. So far, the commander of the Special Forces or the commander of the counterintelligence has made various statements, but these various facts that are pouring out now are really beyond imagination. It makes you feel very confident that you really tried to do proper martial law. That's why the martial law, like the five members, is so common in the media that President Yoon Suk Yeol, former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, and former Intelligence Commander Roh Sang-won say I'm almost the third, so I can't imagine it. Especially, isn't there something called the 2nd stage of investigation? Aren't there specific facts that said they tried to take control of the NEC?
For example, there was a very detailed plan that kidnapped the NEC members with cables, tied them up, and put a black cloth on them. If martial law had gone smoothly, former commander Roh Sang-won would have played a key role, especially by forming a joint military-civilian special forces unit, which is highly likely to have played a huge role. So, I think that the so-called Roh Sang-won's notebook may serve as a very important evidence to prove the crime of rebellion, and I think the 2nd and 3rd episodes will continue to come out in the future. So, in a way, I think it's the most important evidence that can tie President Yoon and former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun together.
[Anchor]
First of all, how much the contents of this notebook actually reflected the martial law plan, and this part is also important. We need to find out a little bit, but if the contents are revealed like that, how will it affect the investigation and our politics?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The biggest thing is that you planned it, regardless of whether you actually executed it and succeeded. If this is not just for Roh Sang-won, but it was done carefully under the recognition of Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun and President Yoon Suk Yeol, as I said earlier, it can be applied not only to rebellion but also to foreign exchange. This can bring about a big backlash in two ways. So, in the end, it is not the civil war that the president talks about, but if you usually talk about it, it has the character of a pro-Western coup. So, what is a pro-weapon coup? We usually say that it is a pro-weapon coup in which people in power do it in a more illegal way to strengthen their power, but when we usually have crimes of rebellion, did there have been riots or was the country devastated, but from this point of view, there are some shocking things that we can talk about this as a pro-weapon coup.
If this happens, as the director said earlier, there are parts such as the Constitutional Court ruling or some kind of smoking gun in the investigation, and what kind of situation is now inevitable? The current imperial presidential system, in which the president can exercise power at will, should not be implemented. Something to control and check, and furthermore, discussions on constitutional amendment are quiet now, but because of impeachment. But overall, isn't it difficult with the 87-year system? I think that there is a high possibility that the trend of the political circle, such as whether something needs to be changed, will develop rapidly now. Furthermore, once the constitutional amendment is made, there is a high possibility that not only the issue of power structure reform but also the part of how to check the part that can cause a number of tyranny in the National Assembly will be widely discussed.
[Anchor]
Didn't former Commander Roh Sang-won and former Minister Kim Yong-hyun play a key role in martial law in and out of the central power? As a result, there is a lot of interest in the relationship between the two, and former commander Roh Sang-won visited some other shaman and asked about the owner of former Minister Kim Yong-hyun.
[Choi Jin]
So, since the inauguration of this government, there have been a lot of stories related to counter-exploitation, and people are skeptical that such counter-exploitation factors may work in martial law, but in the end, it's revealed again, right? In that sense, I think this is a factor that can stimulate public sentiment very painfully and sharply rather than any specific civil war application or legal issue. As you know, there was a lot of controversy over the backstabbing during the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye in the past, right? What was Choi Tae-min like, and these stories stimulated the national emotional problem more than the legal problem. In that sense, I think that the controversy over Lee's fortune-telling notebook is quite problematic. And looking at it, the two of them have been together for 35 years with former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun.
And the 55th Guard in the past, this is similar to the Blue House's security office. similar to a bodyguard unit We've been together since then, and since then, when I was the chief of staff and chief of staff, I've come right underneath. And when former Minister Kim Yong-hyun was the head of the bodyguard, it seems to have been closely connected at this time as well. So, I think they discussed in depth the return of Jungkook to military affairs for 35 years. What's more surprising is that martial law was held on December 3rd, right? At that time, there was a lot of controversy over whether it was a surprise or a long time ago, but it was held in top secret, and since it was two days before martial law, on December 1st, how can former commander Roh call in two incumbent intelligence commanders Moon Sang-ho and two colonels and eat hamburgers in Lotteria and prepare for martial law soon. You can give instructions.
He has already known the scenario of martial law for a long time, and it is a huge problem in itself, but calling an incumbent intelligence commander, colonel, or general to give instructions cannot move itself from the crime of rebellion. And just one more thing, as I emphasized earlier, the professor has been interested in whether or not to apply the crime of rebellion, but I think it will be passed on this time due to the crime of foreign exchange. If the crime of rebellion and foreign exchange are applied to the city and the investigation and evidence narrows down on this against the president, the situation really becomes more and more difficult for the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. The crime of rebellion is at least three years, even if it is light. And it's usually life imprisonment. a foreign exchange offender It's as heavy as the crime of rebellion. [Anchor] As you said, it is also being confirmed that former commander Roh Sang-won tried to form a private organization twice at the hamburger restaurant meeting. And he went to a fortune teller's shop and asked if he could go to the presidential office. What did you think about the movement of civilians to be in secret or close to power like this?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In Korean politics, the president's authority has always been very concentrated and imperial. There was a story like this when Park Geun Hye was the former president. during Ferry Sewol That rumor went around, too. When the president asked what he did at that time, wasn't there a lot of shamanism coming out? But it was all falsely judged. These are the phenomena that occur when we have personalized power, not institutionalized power. So, for example, I'm considering some legal things right now, but everything is controlled by the president. So we're systematically blocking it, aren't we? There is a hearing system and verification, and if all of those are neutralized, a presidential protection system will be created.
Russian President Putin is similar now, but I can see a little of that with President Trump now. Alakaki is surrounded by key figures centered on the powerful president. If you look at Russia now, don't you think very important people around Putin control all public enterprises? The danger of these things coming out is so high that what expression is used recently is that if the president wields such authority and power as an elected king, the non-elect organization will run wild, and the government will eventually collapse as unverified people enter important government positions.
[Anchor]
Didn't the government request the second round of attendance of President Yoon by tomorrow morning? By the way, President Yoon's position is that the impeachment trial process takes precedence over yesterday's investigation, so should he see it as a position that the investigation will not come out tomorrow?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, I think he actually expressed his refusal. But what's really unfortunate is that the elected power acts like a king, but in a way, he was impeached by the National Assembly, and it's a pity that he still thinks of himself as a king even now. It's lawyer Seok Dong-hyun. Although he has not been elected yet, the public sentiment seems to be worsening rapidly because he still thinks that the president is impeached and has no wrongdoing and an unfair king. So you rejected everything now, didn't you? They refuse to search and seizure, serve, and summon. It's so uncooperative that the president may have intentionally tried to instigate an inflammatory atmosphere against some hard-line conservatives by buying time and blocking the entire trial, not just delayed operations, but in a way, by intentionally blocking the entire trial. Because it's uncooperative, I think it's quite intentional.
[Anchor]
I think the breaking news came in from the scene, so I'll give you the breaking news first. Regarding the nomination of a new emergency committee member, Kwon Young-se, a five-term lawmaker, was selected as the new emergency committee chairman this morning. Kwon Sung-dong, the acting leader and floor leader of the People's Power Party, has nominated Kwon Young-se, as you saw at the emergency assembly, so let's listen to the voice on the spot.
[Kwon Seongdong / Acting leader and floor leader of the People's Power Party]
Many MPs come to me and the floor leader concurrently serves as the emergency committee chairman in a difficult time. I said that it helps to go out as a one-boss and make decisions in order, but my theory is that power should be shared. My theory is that authority should be divided. That way, the responsibilities can be shared. I didn't consider it from the beginning because I thought of this. Then, we will announce the chairman of the emergency committee from now on.
My fellow countrymen and my fellow party members. People's Power reports to the people Kwon Young-se, the candidate for emergency committee chairman who will lead the reorganization and renewal of the party. We must take on the heavy responsibility of stabilizing state affairs and harmony and change of the party. We need more experience and ready-to-use power than ever. Candidate Kwon Young-se is a five-term lawmaker in the Seoul metropolitan area and has served in key positions of the government and the party in recognition of his ability and leadership in integration. He has served as the general secretary in charge of the affairs of the party several times and has contributed a lot both inside and outside the party based on the experience of legal professionals and diplomats.
In particular, he played important roles in the two presidential elections, such as the head of the situation office, the president of the situation, and the head of the presidential election, proving his ability as a result. The power of the people should play the role of the ruling party in stabilizing state affairs and recovering the economy in a severe environment at home and abroad. The relationship between the government and the government is also more important than ever. I have no doubt that the new candidate for the chairman of the emergency committee will fulfill that responsibility. My fellow citizens, although it is a serious situation, the government and the ruling party will bear its responsibility. Responsibility is not only enjoyed when it's good, but it's about taking the lead in solving problems when it's hard and difficult. As the floor leader, I will focus on responsible politics with the new emergency committee chairman so that political turmoil does not harm the daily lives of the people.
I will make a road in the wilderness and make a river in the desert. Thank you. The schedule is to hold a standing national committee and a standing national committee on the 26th, and the standing national committee on the 30th does not have a large number of people, so I haven't consulted with working-level officials yet on the 26th.Ma gather and vote at the rally. The National Committee has so many targets that it plans to do it online because there are so many targets. So, we will confirm everything in the afternoon of the 30th and confirm the chairman of the emergency committee in the afternoon of the 30th.
Each lawmaker may have different opinions, but we decided this after hearing various opinions, so we ask for your continued support. That's about it.
[Anchor]
Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, nominated Kwon Young-se as the new chairman of the emergency committee. I would like to understand once again that the on-site sound was a little uneven because I was broadcasting it live on site. It's been decided as a senior member of the 5th term, can we clean up the party confusion?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In fact, Kwon Young-se entered politics during the by-elections in August 2002. So it's been 22 years. So, I have political experience and various experiences, such as Kwon Sung-dong, the head of the situation office, the secretary-general, and the head of the election department. I think we should focus on three things. The first is to declare the dissolution of factions. Now, it is time to end the attempt to politicize with a faction called pro-Yoon and close within the party. I think you need to show that kind of will. Second, Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, is now saying that he will fulfill his responsibilities, but there is no responsibility without repentance. In the meantime, why is the conservative, he's the fifth chairman of the emergency committee. We should write a record of repentance for the remuneration of how much the party has come to this point if it has not moved properly. Lastly, in the areas of change and innovation, what CEO Han Dong-hoon has talked about a lot so far was change and innovation.
However, since change and reform are the directions for the ruling party of the people's power to move forward, these three things were key to promoting reforms that could share political reforms with the people that had never been done before. The people's livelihood issues, for example, the Constitutional Court, and the investigation issue are likely to be made through a separate ruling-opposition-government consultative body, but the biggest thing right now is that I still don't feel desperate when I see the power of the people. It should be a part of constant reflection and reflection on the part that has led the ruling party to come this far, and just because people change does not mean that changes or new things come, I think we should try to make sure that the emergency committee chairman can really do well.
[Anchor]
Professor Kim has three assignments. What do you think is the most urgent thing right now?
[Choi Jin]
I totally agree with the three things you just mentioned and the most urgent thing right now is to completely transform myself. Until now, I have never properly apologized to the people for the martial law situation. It is not enough to bow down to the people and apologize and say, "I will change now," but he showed that he has no will to change now. In fact, in a way, Kwon Sung-dong, Kwon Young-se, and how the double pistol system appeared. Isn't it what they have in common: pro-Yoon, senior, and anti-impeachment? The power of the people has clearly set its course. on the occasion of this emergency committee In the name of stability, a pro-yoon system is firmly established.
And in a way, I think it's like declaring to the outside world that the party-government relationship that has been maintained with the existing President Yoon Suk Yeol, so to speak, is sticking to the so-called Yoon Suk Yeol party system. Then, to go one step further and point out that it hurts a little, you refuse to change so much that you think you've given up on the early presidential election. Rather, it is difficult for me to understand no matter how much I try to score on the two-prongers system of Lee Seong-dong and Kwon Young-se, to the point that I think the party's authority or the right to nominate for the 2026 local elections is more in mind.
[Anchor]
Let's continue to talk about Jungkook's situation with the two of you. First of all, the confirmation hearing for the constitutional judge candidate and the opposition-recommended two yesterday were completed, and the ruling party said that the confirmation hearing for the constitutional judge candidate recommended by the ruling party will not come in today. How do you see this situation now?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In fact, isn't it normal for the Constitutional Court to be operated in a nine-member system? But why was it operated under a six-member system? The opposition party should reflect on that now. Rather, there are many criticisms that it was because of the political benefits that can be obtained by temporarily paralyzing the function of the Constitutional Court by creating a six-member system. The justice of the Constitutional Court said that. Then, there are still countless impeachment cases, including the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, including the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, and prosecutors now. It feels like they all have their own purpose.
The chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection, who is trying to protect their preferred broadcasts through the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, and eventually is grateful for various problems during the Moon Jae In government, and the prosecutor investigating representative Lee Jae-myung. In the end, if these were transferred to the Constitutional Court and became a six-member system, it was impossible to proceed in practice, but Lee Jin-sook, former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, filed a constitutional petition. Since the request for provisional injunction was accepted and it was said that a six-person hearing was possible, we had to go through the process of apologizing without talking about this at all, and then hearing about the constitutional judge, but there was nothing like that. I don't understand the part that the National Assembly recommends unconditionally, and furthermore, I don't understand that either, but there are nine constitutional judges now, and the president has three. That's the president's appointment. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court appoints three more people.
And the other three are elected by the National Assembly. However, the regulations are based on one ruling party, one opposition party, and one opposition party. But why are there two opposition recommendations now? That part is legally problematic, too. However, if it is to recommend two people to the opposition party through a political agreement, that means that if it shows that it can proceed smoothly through political negotiations, the recommendation of constitutional judges and others shows that both the ruling and opposition parties should do so through consensus in the future. When we continue to unilaterally elect and pressure judges to nominate them, I would say that it is a question that can be raised again at any time whether a real procedural democracy is being observed in accordance with the Constitution and laws.
[Anchor]
As the professor said, there is no political negotiation at all, but the Democratic Party said that it will finalize the process of the National Assembly's appointment agreement by this week. Even if the hearing is conducted in a nine-member system after the judgment is completed later, can we question the legitimacy of this nine-judge system? It was conducted only by the opposition party. The ruling party is out, can we take issue with this?
[Choi Jin]
I can raise the issue, but I don't see a big problem with legitimacy. Once the hearing is over with the recommendation of the National Assembly, it is considered that some legitimacy has been completed. Then acting Han Deok-soo is actually weak in the justification or logic to reject this. But I think there is a high possibility that it will eventually happen as a whole group of nine. However, as Professor Kim Hyung-joon pointed out, the Democratic Party needs to explain to the people one by one why the entire nine members are needed, but they are just pushing without that part. In fact, the people probably don't know. Since the ruling and opposition parties are so tense and confronting each other, and they are emotionally agitated because it is a martial law situation, I think many parts such as persuading the people and explaining logically have been omitted. In the subsequent process, especially the opposition party, doesn't it have the leadership of the political situation now? That's why I think it's necessary to show a more convincing and explaining attitude to the people.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
But now the opposition party has two problems.
[Anchor]
Wait a minute, professor. The press conference is being held at the National Assembly right now, so let's look at this part first. National Assembly Secretary-General Kim Min-ki will hold a press conference now and release CCTV footage showing martial law troops dispatched to the National Assembly Speaker's official residence when martial law was declared on the 3rd. Let's listen to the voice of the scene first.
[Kim Min Gi / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
It was withdrawn only after the cabinet meeting decided to lift the emergency martial law. This is a critical issue regarding the personal safety of the Speaker of the National Assembly, the head of the legislature, and we decided that it is necessary to confirm the facts as the Secretary-General of the National Assembly, who is responsible for the safety of the Speaker of the National Assembly. In response, we would like to investigate the CCTV footage installed at the National Assembly Speaker's official residence to check the related video and urge the Ministry of National Defense to clarify the suspicions raised at the same time as explaining in detail to the public. Let's look at the CCTV footage first. This is the first video. This is a view of martial law troops walking outside the wall of the National Assembly Speaker's official residence in Hannam-dong at 01:42 on December 4, after the National Assembly passed a resolution calling for the lifting of emergency martial law.
[Anchor]
Secretary-General Kim Min-ki is showing CCTV footage.
[Kim Min Gi / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
At 01:50, martial law troops are gathered at the front gate of the National Assembly Speaker's official residence. After that, you can see how you maintain a certain distance in front of the main entrance and start full-scale monitoring and control.
[Anchor]
Earlier, you saw martial law soldiers hanging around the National Assembly Speaker's official residence for the first time. This video is about 8 minutes later. You are watching CCTV footage of martial law soldiers entering the diplomatic mission once again from 1:50 p.m.
If you look back there, you can see people in the alley, and they are starting to control and monitor them in earnest while maintaining a certain distance, he said.
Let's take a look at the scene.
[Kim Min Gi / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
Since it is a serious issue regarding the safety of the speaker of the National Assembly, we are now releasing CCTV footage, explaining the background of releasing CCTV footage like this. December 4th. It's been since the martial law lifting agenda was voted on. Martial law was lifted, and since then, martial law forces have been lining up around the National Assembly Speaker's official residence. You are also monitoring and controlling, and you are seeing these images through the CCTV screen at the scene.
[Anchor]
The screen you see shows soldiers gathered in front of the National Assembly speaker's official residence after martial law was lifted. In this regard, since it is a serious issue regarding the chairman of the National Assembly, we are conducting a thorough investigation, disclosing it to the public, and explaining it like this.
The number of martial law troops has decreased and moved, but now the area that looks like a wall...
[Kim Min-ki / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
It is the appearance of martial law forces withdrawing only 15 minutes after the emergency martial law was lifted at the Cabinet meeting.
[Anchor]
The right side of the screen you see now is the wall. Martial law soldiers next to the wall are on December 4th at 4:45 p.m. It appears that they are withdrawing 15 minutes after the emergency martial law is lifted. The image I showed you earlier...
[Kim Min-ki / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
The video clearly confirms the deployment of martial law forces around the National Assembly speaker's official residence. Clear fact-finding is needed on the arrest of the speaker of the National Assembly and the situation of the second martial law raised by the media. As the Secretary-General of the National Assembly, I urge the Ministry of Defense to clarify the following three points. First, why did you put troops into the parliament speaker's mission in defiance of the National Assembly's call for lifting emergency martial law?
As you can see in the video, 13 soldiers gathered at the front gate of the National Assembly Speaker's official residence at 01:50. As many as 50 minutes have passed since 01 o'clock, when the National Assembly passed a resolution calling for the lifting of emergency martial law. Martial law forces stayed around the mission until 04:45 past 04:30 when emergency martial law was officially lifted through a Cabinet meeting. We urge the Ministry of National Defense to explain whether there was an order to arrest the chairman of the National Assembly who may return to the diplomatic mission after the decision to lift martial law and whether there was an intention of a second martial law.
Second, what is the identity of the troops who were dispatched to the mission and whose orders did they receive? In the CCTV footage, 11 soldiers and two unidentified people dressed in plain clothes appear. Two men in plain clothes in padded jackets appear to lead martial law forces. Whether you are a soldier belonging to the counterintelligence command or the intelligence command, you must clarify your affiliation and identity. The Speaker had asked the Ministry of Defence for affiliation, official names, commanders and chain of command for all 13 days appearing in CCTV footage, including them. There will have to be a quick and reasonable explanation from the Ministry of Defense.
Third, what was the level of troops and armament that were dispatched around the chairman's mission on the day? In addition to the troops identified by CCTV footage held by the National Assembly, the Ministry of National Defense is asked to disclose the status of the dispatch, the purpose of the dispatch, and the level of armament of the military units deployed around the mission on the same day.
Finally, I ask the investigative authorities. CCTV footage released today confirmed that troops were dispatched to the National Assembly speaker's official residence. We urge the investigation authorities to conduct a quick and thorough investigation into various suspicions raised. That's it. Thank you.
[Anchor]
If you look at the videos now, you can see the martial law army going around the president's residence from 1 o'clock, when the resolution to lift martial law was passed by the National Assembly, until the president passed the resolution at the Cabinet meeting. How should I look at this situation?
[Choi Jin]
Just by looking at that screen, this martial law was not just for warning or threatening, but for practical use, and there is a strong will to martial law. Didn't you try to imitate the martial law of the military government during the Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan presidents in the past? Just looking at the proclamation No. 1 announced by the martial law commander, it's very lethal, if you look at the contents. In fact, it seems to be a sign that the implementation of Proclamation No. 1 was continued even after the martial law was lifted, and I think there is a high possibility that other evidence will continue to emerge later. That's why there is no two-hour martial law in the world that President Yoon Suk Yeol talked about. Lawyer Seok Dong-hyun said, "It's not easy to do martial law like this. Are we stupid? I said this, but those logic are collapsing. It seems to be a screen that clearly shows that martial law has been carefully prepared in all directions to the extent that the fortune teller's notebook states that they will collect journalists and religious people.
[Anchor]
And it was a screen we just saw, where armed soldiers gathered in an alleyway. It was 1:50 on the 4th, and armed soldiers were gathered in front of the National Assembly Speaker's official residence. The National Assembly voted to lift it. Why did they deploy and gather soldiers like this even after they voted to lift it?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Well, that's probably what the Secretary-General raised in public. Then why, for example, when the martial law was lifted by Congress, all martial law troops withdrew as soon as they lifted it, but why was it that far in the official residence, until the president finally decided? Wasn't it about 2 hours? I'm telling you what the intention was to stay in the diplomatic mission during that period. At that time, I'm sure the chairman was in the Capitol, not in the official residence. So, isn't there something that could be a bigger issue if martial law forces tried to secure the speaker's safety before going to the National Assembly? Arrest and do what you mentioned earlier, it's not clear yet whether it was done in that sense, but through the images that are confirmed through CCTV. Isn't it an indication that the military was probably moving in all directions according to the plan they expected? So I think it's not just a martial law, it's just another video that shows that it was a very planned martial law with some intent.
[Anchor]
Arrest group, isn't there a suspicion that it's not a fact check yet, it's a suspicion? As a result, Secretary-General Kim Min-ki also said, "Isn't the personnel dressed in plain clothes the agents of intelligence agencies or counterintelligence agencies?" In this regard, I said that I need a clear official name or a clear explanation of my identity.
[Choi Jin]
That's right. There have been a lot of talks about secret lines, plainclothes police, and plainclothes soldiers, so the truth about that part should be revealed. But that day, didn't we, the whole nation, see martial law troops enter the National Assembly through the broadcast screen? But personally, even if I watch that video right now, I can feel the urgency of moving very closely. If you look at all the situations and the media reports, it's clear that this is a really harsh martial law, but if you look at the soldiers actually moving and moving, look at that. If you look at something like that slowly, it's a bit questionable whether it's really martial law or not, and rather, lawyers like Seok Dong-hyun use that part to argue that if we really tried to do martial law, did we do that?
[Anchor]
At that time, the speaker of the National Assembly was not in the official residence and he was in the National Assembly.
[Choi Jin]
That's right. But nevertheless, I think we need to find out what kind of unit it is, who it is, and who it is if civilians have been involved.
[Anchor]
However, the background of this video release started from this suspicion that there was a second martial law related to the video.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I think that's an overstatement. Because, as the director said just a moment ago, if you look at the point of view of that screen, it's after the National Assembly decided to lift martial law, so for example, it's unimaginable to try to do the second martial law in a single order. Is martial law lifted and the National Assembly will do another martial law? That doesn't make sense in common sense. But I will put off my personal thoughts on why the National Assembly released that video at this point. However, there is a very high possibility that these parts can come from not only CCTV data about diplomatic missions, but also from things we did not expect. By comprehensively judging these things, I think that a comprehensive picture of the intentions and plans of the emergency martial law on December 3rd will come out, and I think we should make it clear that it is a constitutional trial or that it will be investigated and revealed and inform the public in detail.
[Choi Jin]
The second martial law cannot actually happen in common sense, but I also doubt it because so many things have happened that are not common sense. For example, if you look at the case of the second stage of the investigation and work afterwards, there are many parts that are quite unclear even after martial law ends. And there are many people who have unconventional doubts about the possibility of another martial law occurring after this. That much, not only martial law but also many unimaginable things have happened rationally and in common sense, so I think the distrust of the people and the current government proves that the distrust of the Yoon Suk Yeol government is really that great.
[Anchor]
Secretary-General Kim Min-ki saw the deployment like that after the resolution to lift martial law was approved, and suspects that he intended to arrest the speaker of the National Assembly who will return to the official residence after that.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's an overstatement. Think about the situation now. Numerous citizens came to Yeouido to confront martial law forces, and all 190 people lifted it through the National Assembly, so will you arrest the chairman of the National Assembly again? That's a really excessive interpretation, and there's also a factor that can be pointed out as if the speaker is talking too much about himself. So in this regard, I think we should solve this problem a little carefully and calmly.
[Anchor]
I'm curious about that. Why did he go, then? The National Assembly and the President said martial law should be lifted, but why did they go there?
[Choi Jin]
So, overall, I think there's an intention to create a fear atmosphere. Personally, I'm really curious about whether there's a list of journalists and religious people, and I don't know if there's actually a part of collecting these people, so I tried to arrest them, or kill them, and wouldn't you expect that all these parts will be revealed later on? Then, in general, isn't there a lot of hard-line conservatives in our society that they send a public message about the Yoon Suk Yeol government's ability to suppress it by force and step up once it decides to do so? There are quite a few people who responded quite a lot to such violent acts and said, "Now we have shown something, we need to show more of our power and power in the future." As I have told you many times, it would be more advantageous for key figures such as President Yoon Suk Yeol and former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun to move toward progressive and conservative confrontations with supporters and military units such as commando units, which show strong and vocal actions rather than conservative majority.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
If I can reasonably infer, that video shows the resolution to lift martial law in the National Assembly now, but I wonder if there has been a military deployment before. But it doesn't have it, it only shows what happened after martial law was lifted, because it can be inferred. In the end, it is possible to infer that the military was put into the diplomatic mission before the National Assembly resolution to arrest the chairman of the National Assembly. It is true that it is right to try to arrest him, but now the National Assembly shows the next aspect after martial law was lifted, so I am not clear about whether he was dispatched then or not.
[Choi Jin]
If you say that, I can tell you like this. For example, Kim Min-ki, the secretary-general of the National Assembly, who was interviewed a while ago. In fact, isn't he a multi-term Democratic Party lawmaker, honestly? Next, National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik has no party affiliation now, but since he belongs to the Democratic Party, wouldn't he be in favor of the Democratic Party? I can think of that, and if so, by going to the original sin, the people's power and the president of Yoon Suk Yeol are doing the original sin of losing the general election anyway. Then who was the one who contributed to the crushing defeat in the general election? If it goes back, it is unfair from the perspective of the people's power now because the president of Yoon Suk Yeol or the pro-Yoon-gye will eventually have to take responsibility for it.
I agree that this can be quite politically motivated, but isn't it the cause of the situation that the power of the people has no choice but to bear anyway? It provided the cause of defeat in the general election and the cause of martial law, so even if more biased and politically deliberate things come out, that part cannot be moved. Because you wouldn't have made a video without it. That's why it's been political since then. From the standpoint of the people's power, even if there is a bad news, we have to endure it while shedding tears. It is too late to protest that there is no problem, this is wrong, this is distorted, and public sentiment is too far from the people's power and the president. I think we have to face this.
[Anchor]
The National Assembly's decision to lift martial law is 1:03 a.m., and the first video I showed you now is 1:42, so whether there was an order in that 40 minutes or waiting before that should be revealed through future investigations. I'll stop listening to it. So far, I have been with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute. Thank you.
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■ Starring: Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Research Institute
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN New Square 10AM] when quoting.
[Anchor]
Acting President Han Deok-soo decided not to introduce the so-called "bilateral special prosecution law" at a Cabinet meeting today, and the Democratic Party announced that it would immediately start the process of impeaching Han.
Let's take a look at the situation with the two of you. Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute, will be with you. Welcome.
It just came out this morning, and I think the Democratic Party actually brought up the impeachment card of Acting President Han Deok-soo.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Didn't we set a deadline for the 24th? I'm telling you to announce something about the double special prosecutor. There can be controversy in two ways. The first is actually Park Chan-dae, floor leader, what authority can he set a deadline on the 24th? According to the floor constitution and law, isn't it guaranteed until January 1st next year? However, it is bound to be criticized for such a part as to what is the legal basis for whether it can be ignored and processed so forcibly. Another thing is that the political circle is now talking about discussing state stability through the ruling and opposition parties' government consultative body.
But if you're holding a stability card in one hand and an impeachment card in the other, what is the Democratic Party's intention? Since there is a lot of room for such an attack as to what is true, today is the 24th, and there is only about a week left until January 1, but I don't think it will be too late to make a decision after looking at the situation. Is it right to show off your strength like this? If you look at it now, isn't it the Democratic Party that attacked emergency martial law, which should not have emergency martial law, as unconstitutional and illegal? However, I think there is plenty of room for criticism that they are trying to use the power of the National Assembly in the end, a little too excessively, for something that can be done ignoring the set time until January 1st.
[Anchor]
Acting Han Deok-soo also urged the ruling and opposition parties to make a compromise, but in the end, how did you see the Democratic Party of Korea taking out the impeachment card like this?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, from the perspective of the Democratic Party, I think that if acting Han Deok-soo rejects all situations, he can't take a step further. Therefore, it would be burdensome for the acting prime minister to push for impeachment, but for now, he puts pressure on the impeachment. But I think we have to wait and see if we actually go ahead with impeachment. Because if impeachment is pursued, will the quorum of votes be a majority equivalent to the prime minister or two-thirds equivalent to the acting prime minister? These are the parts that remain. In particular, more than two-thirds of them pushed for impeachment, which could be rejected, and the legal legitimacy of the passage could be controversial. If it's two-thirds, but it's more than a majority, will you recognize that part? There's this controversy.
At this time, I think the key will be held by National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik. So, since he was a member of the Democratic Party of Korea, I don't know if National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik and the Democratic Party will discuss this internally, but we need to be a little cautious about whether we will present it directly. [Anchor] Don't you have concerns about headwinds within the Democratic Party? What do you think is the reason why you strongly brought up the impeachment card despite your concerns about whether public opinion is working against you because of unconstitutional and illegal factors?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
There are two main things. There is a part that we need to turn the impeachment clock quickly, and furthermore, if we drag on like that in relation to the special prosecution now, we may eventually delay the appointment of the three constitutional judges recommended by the National Assembly. It can be seen as a kind of warning. How can it be up to the Speaker of the National Assembly to dispute this part that you just said? How is it up to the speaker to determine the part determined by the speaker of the National Assembly? Shouldn't it be done in accordance with the Constitution and the law? You're acting right now. For example, if you impeach him during the prime minister, you have a majority of the registered members, but your current position is the acting president. Acting power meets all the requirements of the president, but can you raise your hand that the speaker of the National Assembly is correct just because he did it unilaterally in that way? How can we accept that. I don't think this is the case.
In that sense, the Democratic Party should tell the National Assembly speaker not to do it. At a time when you are trying to form a ruling-opposition-government consultative body with your own proposal, if you look at the four-member system of the ruling-opposition-government consultative body, wouldn't you have an acting authority now? The chairman of the National Assembly and the leaders of the ruling and opposition parties are entering, but in a way, they ignore the ruling-opposition-government consultative body that they talked about, will the chairman of the National Assembly accept that? It would be strange for me to accept it. In that sense, I would like to say to the people that we should proceed with all this in accordance with the Constitution and laws more carefully and calmly.
[Choi Jin]
If we summarize what Professor Kim Hyung-joon said again, the question of how far we will recognize the legal status of the acting authority comes down again, and the two sides are divided on this part. There is a logic that the president should be recognized as he is because he literally acts as a president, but in a way, the president is an acting president because he was left behind and inherited. The other is the elected office, so the president is two-thirds, and the prime minister is not an elected office, but an appointed office, so there is a controversy over the pros and cons of how the president can be given the same status as the president.
Therefore, if the vote on the impeachment process of acting Han Deok-soo is actually carried out, there may be considerable legal controversy. So I'll put pressure on it publicly now, but I think there's room for compromise at the end of this part. And in fact, from the perspective of the Democratic Party of Korea, isn't there an additional appointment of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo as soon as he goes into impeachment and three more constitutional members? Since this is what the Democratic Party is focusing on, I think the Democratic Party can think about the effectiveness of impeachment and which is more profitable than the headwind of public sentiment.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
But what is falling into the logical contradiction now is that because he is the prime minister now, he should not appoint a constitutional judge if he is able to pass the registration with 151 seats. How can the prime minister appoint a constitutional judge? According to our Constitution, constitutional judges are appointed by the President. But what did the Democratic Party say now? I told you to quickly appoint if we recommend it. In that case, the position of acting president is recognized, and when impeaching him, it is 151 seats because he is the prime minister. Where is such a logical contradiction?
In that sense, how can democracy work properly when the rule of law collapses, whether it is the Democratic Party or the people's power, only if they show that they will act in accordance with the Constitution and laws with principles? In that sense, Park Chan-dae, the floor leader, seems excited now, but he seems to have a strong desire to show off his strength, but I repeatedly emphasize that it is not a desirable path in my view.
[Choi Jin]
Just to say, you're saying a logical contradiction, but I think the ruling and opposition parties are in the same contradiction. In fact, don't you say not to hold an event just by exercising your veto? If it's the acting president, wouldn't Han Deok-soo be able to exercise his veto? But he told me not to do that, too. The Constitutional Court's request for an appointment is that the Democratic Party is also in a logical contradiction that has fallen into self-immolation. So I think both the ruling and opposition parties are in quite a logical contradiction. Why? Because the law is not clear. I'm telling you that you can't conclude which one is right or wrong.
[Anchor]
The ruling-opposition government council will hold its first meeting on the 26th, but the interpretation is divided because the legal regulations are not clear. What happens if we don't find a consultation point at this meeting?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The current situation is quite a situation that we did not predict. I think the National Assembly Speaker should show leadership. Shouldn't there be two key discussions? It's a symbolic situation in some way. The biggest thing is how to achieve national unity and stabilize state affairs. So you're asking me to gather the very controversial factors that I'm talking about and find a political solution. It's not a legal solution, but a political solution, and the second is that this is really a big deal.
When it comes to the economy. The exchange rate is soaring now, and the second Trump system is likely to be launched soon, and isn't it very difficult for the people's livelihood economy, including the self-employed? If that's the case, what's really absurd is that the budget hasn't been executed, but it's a very difficult situation to even come up with an extra budget. How can I solve this problem? In particular, the biggest problem is how to increase external credibility. Then, I think that if Chairman Woo Won-sik increases his external credibility through parliamentary diplomacy, the ruling and opposition parties will probably discuss these two things together to find their own ways. There, I would like to say that it is difficult for the ruling-opposition party-government consultative body to operate, what is the case with the early presidential election, the Constitution, and the investigation.
[Choi Jin]
I quite agree on that part, but I think the immediate impeachment of acting Han Deok-soo is very helpful to the ruling and opposition parties at this point and not to the power of the people. And most of all, there is time until January 1st, so-called the double special prosecutor. And on December 26th, there is a council between the ruling and opposition parties. I don't think it's very helpful for the Democratic Party to push it with power just because it's something to solve with political power, but it's blocked right away.
[Anchor]
Yesterday, Roh Sang-won, former intelligence commander, who is suspected of plotting martial law, secured a notebook, and the contents of closing, killing, and collecting the National Assembly are written in the notebook. How did you see this?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Won't the prosecution investigate now? What's surprising is that as you put it now, it's killing. That's why Kim Eo-jun once talked about the shooting. When CEO Han Dong-hoon immediately arrested and killed him, he said it was absurd and it was a story like a novel, and he apologized himself. Nevertheless, the problem of killing comes out in the notebook. The bad part also induces North Korea's attacks in the NLL. This is a foreign exchange crime.
It is not a crime of rebellion, but a crime of foreign exchange, and it is difficult to clearly judge whether this is a record of what you personally wrote down what you just thought or whether it is a very well-organized script after the emergency martial law. However, a comprehensive analysis of what is being said shows that the necessity of martial law and the form of martial law that President Yoon Suk Yeol is talking about are fictional. For example, what did the president say? You said this was martial law.
But is this martial law a form of bluffing? The part that had a high political purpose and eventually tried to paralyze the function of the institution elected by the constitutional institution by force is the national constitutional controversy. capable of supporting this Although the president's lawyers have not been formed, this is not a civil war on the part of the president's lawyers. I'm talking about where there is a two-hour civil war, but if these parts related to preliminary conspiracy are empirically proven, I think this is a huge aftermath, and I think this is a super-special issue that will affect the prosecution's investigation and the Constitutional Court's trial.
[Choi Jin]
That's how the media put it. a fortune teller's notebook of Bodhisattva on the road It looks like a Pandora box to me. So far, the commander of the Special Forces or the commander of the counterintelligence has made various statements, but these various facts that are pouring out now are really beyond imagination. It makes you feel very confident that you really tried to do proper martial law. That's why the martial law, like the five members, is so common in the media that President Yoon Suk Yeol, former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, and former Intelligence Commander Roh Sang-won say I'm almost the third, so I can't imagine it. Especially, isn't there something called the 2nd stage of investigation? Aren't there specific facts that said they tried to take control of the NEC?
For example, there was a very detailed plan that kidnapped the NEC members with cables, tied them up, and put a black cloth on them. If martial law had gone smoothly, former commander Roh Sang-won would have played a key role, especially by forming a joint military-civilian special forces unit, which is highly likely to have played a huge role. So, I think that the so-called Roh Sang-won's notebook may serve as a very important evidence to prove the crime of rebellion, and I think the 2nd and 3rd episodes will continue to come out in the future. So, in a way, I think it's the most important evidence that can tie President Yoon and former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun together.
[Anchor]
First of all, how much the contents of this notebook actually reflected the martial law plan, and this part is also important. We need to find out a little bit, but if the contents are revealed like that, how will it affect the investigation and our politics?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The biggest thing is that you planned it, regardless of whether you actually executed it and succeeded. If this is not just for Roh Sang-won, but it was done carefully under the recognition of Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun and President Yoon Suk Yeol, as I said earlier, it can be applied not only to rebellion but also to foreign exchange. This can bring about a big backlash in two ways. So, in the end, it is not the civil war that the president talks about, but if you usually talk about it, it has the character of a pro-Western coup. So, what is a pro-weapon coup? We usually say that it is a pro-weapon coup in which people in power do it in a more illegal way to strengthen their power, but when we usually have crimes of rebellion, did there have been riots or was the country devastated, but from this point of view, there are some shocking things that we can talk about this as a pro-weapon coup.
If this happens, as the director said earlier, there are parts such as the Constitutional Court ruling or some kind of smoking gun in the investigation, and what kind of situation is now inevitable? The current imperial presidential system, in which the president can exercise power at will, should not be implemented. Something to control and check, and furthermore, discussions on constitutional amendment are quiet now, but because of impeachment. But overall, isn't it difficult with the 87-year system? I think that there is a high possibility that the trend of the political circle, such as whether something needs to be changed, will develop rapidly now. Furthermore, once the constitutional amendment is made, there is a high possibility that not only the issue of power structure reform but also the part of how to check the part that can cause a number of tyranny in the National Assembly will be widely discussed.
[Anchor]
Didn't former Commander Roh Sang-won and former Minister Kim Yong-hyun play a key role in martial law in and out of the central power? As a result, there is a lot of interest in the relationship between the two, and former commander Roh Sang-won visited some other shaman and asked about the owner of former Minister Kim Yong-hyun.
[Choi Jin]
So, since the inauguration of this government, there have been a lot of stories related to counter-exploitation, and people are skeptical that such counter-exploitation factors may work in martial law, but in the end, it's revealed again, right? In that sense, I think this is a factor that can stimulate public sentiment very painfully and sharply rather than any specific civil war application or legal issue. As you know, there was a lot of controversy over the backstabbing during the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye in the past, right? What was Choi Tae-min like, and these stories stimulated the national emotional problem more than the legal problem. In that sense, I think that the controversy over Lee's fortune-telling notebook is quite problematic. And looking at it, the two of them have been together for 35 years with former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun.
And the 55th Guard in the past, this is similar to the Blue House's security office. similar to a bodyguard unit We've been together since then, and since then, when I was the chief of staff and chief of staff, I've come right underneath. And when former Minister Kim Yong-hyun was the head of the bodyguard, it seems to have been closely connected at this time as well. So, I think they discussed in depth the return of Jungkook to military affairs for 35 years. What's more surprising is that martial law was held on December 3rd, right? At that time, there was a lot of controversy over whether it was a surprise or a long time ago, but it was held in top secret, and since it was two days before martial law, on December 1st, how can former commander Roh call in two incumbent intelligence commanders Moon Sang-ho and two colonels and eat hamburgers in Lotteria and prepare for martial law soon. You can give instructions.
He has already known the scenario of martial law for a long time, and it is a huge problem in itself, but calling an incumbent intelligence commander, colonel, or general to give instructions cannot move itself from the crime of rebellion. And just one more thing, as I emphasized earlier, the professor has been interested in whether or not to apply the crime of rebellion, but I think it will be passed on this time due to the crime of foreign exchange. If the crime of rebellion and foreign exchange are applied to the city and the investigation and evidence narrows down on this against the president, the situation really becomes more and more difficult for the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. The crime of rebellion is at least three years, even if it is light. And it's usually life imprisonment. a foreign exchange offender It's as heavy as the crime of rebellion. [Anchor] As you said, it is also being confirmed that former commander Roh Sang-won tried to form a private organization twice at the hamburger restaurant meeting. And he went to a fortune teller's shop and asked if he could go to the presidential office. What did you think about the movement of civilians to be in secret or close to power like this?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In Korean politics, the president's authority has always been very concentrated and imperial. There was a story like this when Park Geun Hye was the former president. during Ferry Sewol That rumor went around, too. When the president asked what he did at that time, wasn't there a lot of shamanism coming out? But it was all falsely judged. These are the phenomena that occur when we have personalized power, not institutionalized power. So, for example, I'm considering some legal things right now, but everything is controlled by the president. So we're systematically blocking it, aren't we? There is a hearing system and verification, and if all of those are neutralized, a presidential protection system will be created.
Russian President Putin is similar now, but I can see a little of that with President Trump now. Alakaki is surrounded by key figures centered on the powerful president. If you look at Russia now, don't you think very important people around Putin control all public enterprises? The danger of these things coming out is so high that what expression is used recently is that if the president wields such authority and power as an elected king, the non-elect organization will run wild, and the government will eventually collapse as unverified people enter important government positions.
[Anchor]
Didn't the government request the second round of attendance of President Yoon by tomorrow morning? By the way, President Yoon's position is that the impeachment trial process takes precedence over yesterday's investigation, so should he see it as a position that the investigation will not come out tomorrow?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, I think he actually expressed his refusal. But what's really unfortunate is that the elected power acts like a king, but in a way, he was impeached by the National Assembly, and it's a pity that he still thinks of himself as a king even now. It's lawyer Seok Dong-hyun. Although he has not been elected yet, the public sentiment seems to be worsening rapidly because he still thinks that the president is impeached and has no wrongdoing and an unfair king. So you rejected everything now, didn't you? They refuse to search and seizure, serve, and summon. It's so uncooperative that the president may have intentionally tried to instigate an inflammatory atmosphere against some hard-line conservatives by buying time and blocking the entire trial, not just delayed operations, but in a way, by intentionally blocking the entire trial. Because it's uncooperative, I think it's quite intentional.
[Anchor]
I think the breaking news came in from the scene, so I'll give you the breaking news first. Regarding the nomination of a new emergency committee member, Kwon Young-se, a five-term lawmaker, was selected as the new emergency committee chairman this morning. Kwon Sung-dong, the acting leader and floor leader of the People's Power Party, has nominated Kwon Young-se, as you saw at the emergency assembly, so let's listen to the voice on the spot.
[Kwon Seongdong / Acting leader and floor leader of the People's Power Party]
Many MPs come to me and the floor leader concurrently serves as the emergency committee chairman in a difficult time. I said that it helps to go out as a one-boss and make decisions in order, but my theory is that power should be shared. My theory is that authority should be divided. That way, the responsibilities can be shared. I didn't consider it from the beginning because I thought of this. Then, we will announce the chairman of the emergency committee from now on.
My fellow countrymen and my fellow party members. People's Power reports to the people Kwon Young-se, the candidate for emergency committee chairman who will lead the reorganization and renewal of the party. We must take on the heavy responsibility of stabilizing state affairs and harmony and change of the party. We need more experience and ready-to-use power than ever. Candidate Kwon Young-se is a five-term lawmaker in the Seoul metropolitan area and has served in key positions of the government and the party in recognition of his ability and leadership in integration. He has served as the general secretary in charge of the affairs of the party several times and has contributed a lot both inside and outside the party based on the experience of legal professionals and diplomats.
In particular, he played important roles in the two presidential elections, such as the head of the situation office, the president of the situation, and the head of the presidential election, proving his ability as a result. The power of the people should play the role of the ruling party in stabilizing state affairs and recovering the economy in a severe environment at home and abroad. The relationship between the government and the government is also more important than ever. I have no doubt that the new candidate for the chairman of the emergency committee will fulfill that responsibility. My fellow citizens, although it is a serious situation, the government and the ruling party will bear its responsibility. Responsibility is not only enjoyed when it's good, but it's about taking the lead in solving problems when it's hard and difficult. As the floor leader, I will focus on responsible politics with the new emergency committee chairman so that political turmoil does not harm the daily lives of the people.
I will make a road in the wilderness and make a river in the desert. Thank you. The schedule is to hold a standing national committee and a standing national committee on the 26th, and the standing national committee on the 30th does not have a large number of people, so I haven't consulted with working-level officials yet on the 26th.Ma gather and vote at the rally. The National Committee has so many targets that it plans to do it online because there are so many targets. So, we will confirm everything in the afternoon of the 30th and confirm the chairman of the emergency committee in the afternoon of the 30th.
Each lawmaker may have different opinions, but we decided this after hearing various opinions, so we ask for your continued support. That's about it.
[Anchor]
Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, nominated Kwon Young-se as the new chairman of the emergency committee. I would like to understand once again that the on-site sound was a little uneven because I was broadcasting it live on site. It's been decided as a senior member of the 5th term, can we clean up the party confusion?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In fact, Kwon Young-se entered politics during the by-elections in August 2002. So it's been 22 years. So, I have political experience and various experiences, such as Kwon Sung-dong, the head of the situation office, the secretary-general, and the head of the election department. I think we should focus on three things. The first is to declare the dissolution of factions. Now, it is time to end the attempt to politicize with a faction called pro-Yoon and close within the party. I think you need to show that kind of will. Second, Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, is now saying that he will fulfill his responsibilities, but there is no responsibility without repentance. In the meantime, why is the conservative, he's the fifth chairman of the emergency committee. We should write a record of repentance for the remuneration of how much the party has come to this point if it has not moved properly. Lastly, in the areas of change and innovation, what CEO Han Dong-hoon has talked about a lot so far was change and innovation.
However, since change and reform are the directions for the ruling party of the people's power to move forward, these three things were key to promoting reforms that could share political reforms with the people that had never been done before. The people's livelihood issues, for example, the Constitutional Court, and the investigation issue are likely to be made through a separate ruling-opposition-government consultative body, but the biggest thing right now is that I still don't feel desperate when I see the power of the people. It should be a part of constant reflection and reflection on the part that has led the ruling party to come this far, and just because people change does not mean that changes or new things come, I think we should try to make sure that the emergency committee chairman can really do well.
[Anchor]
Professor Kim has three assignments. What do you think is the most urgent thing right now?
[Choi Jin]
I totally agree with the three things you just mentioned and the most urgent thing right now is to completely transform myself. Until now, I have never properly apologized to the people for the martial law situation. It is not enough to bow down to the people and apologize and say, "I will change now," but he showed that he has no will to change now. In fact, in a way, Kwon Sung-dong, Kwon Young-se, and how the double pistol system appeared. Isn't it what they have in common: pro-Yoon, senior, and anti-impeachment? The power of the people has clearly set its course. on the occasion of this emergency committee In the name of stability, a pro-yoon system is firmly established.
And in a way, I think it's like declaring to the outside world that the party-government relationship that has been maintained with the existing President Yoon Suk Yeol, so to speak, is sticking to the so-called Yoon Suk Yeol party system. Then, to go one step further and point out that it hurts a little, you refuse to change so much that you think you've given up on the early presidential election. Rather, it is difficult for me to understand no matter how much I try to score on the two-prongers system of Lee Seong-dong and Kwon Young-se, to the point that I think the party's authority or the right to nominate for the 2026 local elections is more in mind.
[Anchor]
Let's continue to talk about Jungkook's situation with the two of you. First of all, the confirmation hearing for the constitutional judge candidate and the opposition-recommended two yesterday were completed, and the ruling party said that the confirmation hearing for the constitutional judge candidate recommended by the ruling party will not come in today. How do you see this situation now?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In fact, isn't it normal for the Constitutional Court to be operated in a nine-member system? But why was it operated under a six-member system? The opposition party should reflect on that now. Rather, there are many criticisms that it was because of the political benefits that can be obtained by temporarily paralyzing the function of the Constitutional Court by creating a six-member system. The justice of the Constitutional Court said that. Then, there are still countless impeachment cases, including the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, including the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, and prosecutors now. It feels like they all have their own purpose.
The chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection, who is trying to protect their preferred broadcasts through the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, and eventually is grateful for various problems during the Moon Jae In government, and the prosecutor investigating representative Lee Jae-myung. In the end, if these were transferred to the Constitutional Court and became a six-member system, it was impossible to proceed in practice, but Lee Jin-sook, former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, filed a constitutional petition. Since the request for provisional injunction was accepted and it was said that a six-person hearing was possible, we had to go through the process of apologizing without talking about this at all, and then hearing about the constitutional judge, but there was nothing like that. I don't understand the part that the National Assembly recommends unconditionally, and furthermore, I don't understand that either, but there are nine constitutional judges now, and the president has three. That's the president's appointment. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court appoints three more people.
And the other three are elected by the National Assembly. However, the regulations are based on one ruling party, one opposition party, and one opposition party. But why are there two opposition recommendations now? That part is legally problematic, too. However, if it is to recommend two people to the opposition party through a political agreement, that means that if it shows that it can proceed smoothly through political negotiations, the recommendation of constitutional judges and others shows that both the ruling and opposition parties should do so through consensus in the future. When we continue to unilaterally elect and pressure judges to nominate them, I would say that it is a question that can be raised again at any time whether a real procedural democracy is being observed in accordance with the Constitution and laws.
[Anchor]
As the professor said, there is no political negotiation at all, but the Democratic Party said that it will finalize the process of the National Assembly's appointment agreement by this week. Even if the hearing is conducted in a nine-member system after the judgment is completed later, can we question the legitimacy of this nine-judge system? It was conducted only by the opposition party. The ruling party is out, can we take issue with this?
[Choi Jin]
I can raise the issue, but I don't see a big problem with legitimacy. Once the hearing is over with the recommendation of the National Assembly, it is considered that some legitimacy has been completed. Then acting Han Deok-soo is actually weak in the justification or logic to reject this. But I think there is a high possibility that it will eventually happen as a whole group of nine. However, as Professor Kim Hyung-joon pointed out, the Democratic Party needs to explain to the people one by one why the entire nine members are needed, but they are just pushing without that part. In fact, the people probably don't know. Since the ruling and opposition parties are so tense and confronting each other, and they are emotionally agitated because it is a martial law situation, I think many parts such as persuading the people and explaining logically have been omitted. In the subsequent process, especially the opposition party, doesn't it have the leadership of the political situation now? That's why I think it's necessary to show a more convincing and explaining attitude to the people.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
But now the opposition party has two problems.
[Anchor]
Wait a minute, professor. The press conference is being held at the National Assembly right now, so let's look at this part first. National Assembly Secretary-General Kim Min-ki will hold a press conference now and release CCTV footage showing martial law troops dispatched to the National Assembly Speaker's official residence when martial law was declared on the 3rd. Let's listen to the voice of the scene first.
[Kim Min Gi / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
It was withdrawn only after the cabinet meeting decided to lift the emergency martial law. This is a critical issue regarding the personal safety of the Speaker of the National Assembly, the head of the legislature, and we decided that it is necessary to confirm the facts as the Secretary-General of the National Assembly, who is responsible for the safety of the Speaker of the National Assembly. In response, we would like to investigate the CCTV footage installed at the National Assembly Speaker's official residence to check the related video and urge the Ministry of National Defense to clarify the suspicions raised at the same time as explaining in detail to the public. Let's look at the CCTV footage first. This is the first video. This is a view of martial law troops walking outside the wall of the National Assembly Speaker's official residence in Hannam-dong at 01:42 on December 4, after the National Assembly passed a resolution calling for the lifting of emergency martial law.
[Anchor]
Secretary-General Kim Min-ki is showing CCTV footage.
[Kim Min Gi / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
At 01:50, martial law troops are gathered at the front gate of the National Assembly Speaker's official residence. After that, you can see how you maintain a certain distance in front of the main entrance and start full-scale monitoring and control.
[Anchor]
Earlier, you saw martial law soldiers hanging around the National Assembly Speaker's official residence for the first time. This video is about 8 minutes later. You are watching CCTV footage of martial law soldiers entering the diplomatic mission once again from 1:50 p.m.
If you look back there, you can see people in the alley, and they are starting to control and monitor them in earnest while maintaining a certain distance, he said.
Let's take a look at the scene.
[Kim Min Gi / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
Since it is a serious issue regarding the safety of the speaker of the National Assembly, we are now releasing CCTV footage, explaining the background of releasing CCTV footage like this. December 4th. It's been since the martial law lifting agenda was voted on. Martial law was lifted, and since then, martial law forces have been lining up around the National Assembly Speaker's official residence. You are also monitoring and controlling, and you are seeing these images through the CCTV screen at the scene.
[Anchor]
The screen you see shows soldiers gathered in front of the National Assembly speaker's official residence after martial law was lifted. In this regard, since it is a serious issue regarding the chairman of the National Assembly, we are conducting a thorough investigation, disclosing it to the public, and explaining it like this.
The number of martial law troops has decreased and moved, but now the area that looks like a wall...
[Kim Min-ki / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
It is the appearance of martial law forces withdrawing only 15 minutes after the emergency martial law was lifted at the Cabinet meeting.
[Anchor]
The right side of the screen you see now is the wall. Martial law soldiers next to the wall are on December 4th at 4:45 p.m. It appears that they are withdrawing 15 minutes after the emergency martial law is lifted. The image I showed you earlier...
[Kim Min-ki / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
The video clearly confirms the deployment of martial law forces around the National Assembly speaker's official residence. Clear fact-finding is needed on the arrest of the speaker of the National Assembly and the situation of the second martial law raised by the media. As the Secretary-General of the National Assembly, I urge the Ministry of Defense to clarify the following three points. First, why did you put troops into the parliament speaker's mission in defiance of the National Assembly's call for lifting emergency martial law?
As you can see in the video, 13 soldiers gathered at the front gate of the National Assembly Speaker's official residence at 01:50. As many as 50 minutes have passed since 01 o'clock, when the National Assembly passed a resolution calling for the lifting of emergency martial law. Martial law forces stayed around the mission until 04:45 past 04:30 when emergency martial law was officially lifted through a Cabinet meeting. We urge the Ministry of National Defense to explain whether there was an order to arrest the chairman of the National Assembly who may return to the diplomatic mission after the decision to lift martial law and whether there was an intention of a second martial law.
Second, what is the identity of the troops who were dispatched to the mission and whose orders did they receive? In the CCTV footage, 11 soldiers and two unidentified people dressed in plain clothes appear. Two men in plain clothes in padded jackets appear to lead martial law forces. Whether you are a soldier belonging to the counterintelligence command or the intelligence command, you must clarify your affiliation and identity. The Speaker had asked the Ministry of Defence for affiliation, official names, commanders and chain of command for all 13 days appearing in CCTV footage, including them. There will have to be a quick and reasonable explanation from the Ministry of Defense.
Third, what was the level of troops and armament that were dispatched around the chairman's mission on the day? In addition to the troops identified by CCTV footage held by the National Assembly, the Ministry of National Defense is asked to disclose the status of the dispatch, the purpose of the dispatch, and the level of armament of the military units deployed around the mission on the same day.
Finally, I ask the investigative authorities. CCTV footage released today confirmed that troops were dispatched to the National Assembly speaker's official residence. We urge the investigation authorities to conduct a quick and thorough investigation into various suspicions raised. That's it. Thank you.
[Anchor]
If you look at the videos now, you can see the martial law army going around the president's residence from 1 o'clock, when the resolution to lift martial law was passed by the National Assembly, until the president passed the resolution at the Cabinet meeting. How should I look at this situation?
[Choi Jin]
Just by looking at that screen, this martial law was not just for warning or threatening, but for practical use, and there is a strong will to martial law. Didn't you try to imitate the martial law of the military government during the Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan presidents in the past? Just looking at the proclamation No. 1 announced by the martial law commander, it's very lethal, if you look at the contents. In fact, it seems to be a sign that the implementation of Proclamation No. 1 was continued even after the martial law was lifted, and I think there is a high possibility that other evidence will continue to emerge later. That's why there is no two-hour martial law in the world that President Yoon Suk Yeol talked about. Lawyer Seok Dong-hyun said, "It's not easy to do martial law like this. Are we stupid? I said this, but those logic are collapsing. It seems to be a screen that clearly shows that martial law has been carefully prepared in all directions to the extent that the fortune teller's notebook states that they will collect journalists and religious people.
[Anchor]
And it was a screen we just saw, where armed soldiers gathered in an alleyway. It was 1:50 on the 4th, and armed soldiers were gathered in front of the National Assembly Speaker's official residence. The National Assembly voted to lift it. Why did they deploy and gather soldiers like this even after they voted to lift it?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Well, that's probably what the Secretary-General raised in public. Then why, for example, when the martial law was lifted by Congress, all martial law troops withdrew as soon as they lifted it, but why was it that far in the official residence, until the president finally decided? Wasn't it about 2 hours? I'm telling you what the intention was to stay in the diplomatic mission during that period. At that time, I'm sure the chairman was in the Capitol, not in the official residence. So, isn't there something that could be a bigger issue if martial law forces tried to secure the speaker's safety before going to the National Assembly? Arrest and do what you mentioned earlier, it's not clear yet whether it was done in that sense, but through the images that are confirmed through CCTV. Isn't it an indication that the military was probably moving in all directions according to the plan they expected? So I think it's not just a martial law, it's just another video that shows that it was a very planned martial law with some intent.
[Anchor]
Arrest group, isn't there a suspicion that it's not a fact check yet, it's a suspicion? As a result, Secretary-General Kim Min-ki also said, "Isn't the personnel dressed in plain clothes the agents of intelligence agencies or counterintelligence agencies?" In this regard, I said that I need a clear official name or a clear explanation of my identity.
[Choi Jin]
That's right. There have been a lot of talks about secret lines, plainclothes police, and plainclothes soldiers, so the truth about that part should be revealed. But that day, didn't we, the whole nation, see martial law troops enter the National Assembly through the broadcast screen? But personally, even if I watch that video right now, I can feel the urgency of moving very closely. If you look at all the situations and the media reports, it's clear that this is a really harsh martial law, but if you look at the soldiers actually moving and moving, look at that. If you look at something like that slowly, it's a bit questionable whether it's really martial law or not, and rather, lawyers like Seok Dong-hyun use that part to argue that if we really tried to do martial law, did we do that?
[Anchor]
At that time, the speaker of the National Assembly was not in the official residence and he was in the National Assembly.
[Choi Jin]
That's right. But nevertheless, I think we need to find out what kind of unit it is, who it is, and who it is if civilians have been involved.
[Anchor]
However, the background of this video release started from this suspicion that there was a second martial law related to the video.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I think that's an overstatement. Because, as the director said just a moment ago, if you look at the point of view of that screen, it's after the National Assembly decided to lift martial law, so for example, it's unimaginable to try to do the second martial law in a single order. Is martial law lifted and the National Assembly will do another martial law? That doesn't make sense in common sense. But I will put off my personal thoughts on why the National Assembly released that video at this point. However, there is a very high possibility that these parts can come from not only CCTV data about diplomatic missions, but also from things we did not expect. By comprehensively judging these things, I think that a comprehensive picture of the intentions and plans of the emergency martial law on December 3rd will come out, and I think we should make it clear that it is a constitutional trial or that it will be investigated and revealed and inform the public in detail.
[Choi Jin]
The second martial law cannot actually happen in common sense, but I also doubt it because so many things have happened that are not common sense. For example, if you look at the case of the second stage of the investigation and work afterwards, there are many parts that are quite unclear even after martial law ends. And there are many people who have unconventional doubts about the possibility of another martial law occurring after this. That much, not only martial law but also many unimaginable things have happened rationally and in common sense, so I think the distrust of the people and the current government proves that the distrust of the Yoon Suk Yeol government is really that great.
[Anchor]
Secretary-General Kim Min-ki saw the deployment like that after the resolution to lift martial law was approved, and suspects that he intended to arrest the speaker of the National Assembly who will return to the official residence after that.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's an overstatement. Think about the situation now. Numerous citizens came to Yeouido to confront martial law forces, and all 190 people lifted it through the National Assembly, so will you arrest the chairman of the National Assembly again? That's a really excessive interpretation, and there's also a factor that can be pointed out as if the speaker is talking too much about himself. So in this regard, I think we should solve this problem a little carefully and calmly.
[Anchor]
I'm curious about that. Why did he go, then? The National Assembly and the President said martial law should be lifted, but why did they go there?
[Choi Jin]
So, overall, I think there's an intention to create a fear atmosphere. Personally, I'm really curious about whether there's a list of journalists and religious people, and I don't know if there's actually a part of collecting these people, so I tried to arrest them, or kill them, and wouldn't you expect that all these parts will be revealed later on? Then, in general, isn't there a lot of hard-line conservatives in our society that they send a public message about the Yoon Suk Yeol government's ability to suppress it by force and step up once it decides to do so? There are quite a few people who responded quite a lot to such violent acts and said, "Now we have shown something, we need to show more of our power and power in the future." As I have told you many times, it would be more advantageous for key figures such as President Yoon Suk Yeol and former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun to move toward progressive and conservative confrontations with supporters and military units such as commando units, which show strong and vocal actions rather than conservative majority.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
If I can reasonably infer, that video shows the resolution to lift martial law in the National Assembly now, but I wonder if there has been a military deployment before. But it doesn't have it, it only shows what happened after martial law was lifted, because it can be inferred. In the end, it is possible to infer that the military was put into the diplomatic mission before the National Assembly resolution to arrest the chairman of the National Assembly. It is true that it is right to try to arrest him, but now the National Assembly shows the next aspect after martial law was lifted, so I am not clear about whether he was dispatched then or not.
[Choi Jin]
If you say that, I can tell you like this. For example, Kim Min-ki, the secretary-general of the National Assembly, who was interviewed a while ago. In fact, isn't he a multi-term Democratic Party lawmaker, honestly? Next, National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik has no party affiliation now, but since he belongs to the Democratic Party, wouldn't he be in favor of the Democratic Party? I can think of that, and if so, by going to the original sin, the people's power and the president of Yoon Suk Yeol are doing the original sin of losing the general election anyway. Then who was the one who contributed to the crushing defeat in the general election? If it goes back, it is unfair from the perspective of the people's power now because the president of Yoon Suk Yeol or the pro-Yoon-gye will eventually have to take responsibility for it.
I agree that this can be quite politically motivated, but isn't it the cause of the situation that the power of the people has no choice but to bear anyway? It provided the cause of defeat in the general election and the cause of martial law, so even if more biased and politically deliberate things come out, that part cannot be moved. Because you wouldn't have made a video without it. That's why it's been political since then. From the standpoint of the people's power, even if there is a bad news, we have to endure it while shedding tears. It is too late to protest that there is no problem, this is wrong, this is distorted, and public sentiment is too far from the people's power and the president. I think we have to face this.
[Anchor]
The National Assembly's decision to lift martial law is 1:03 a.m., and the first video I showed you now is 1:42, so whether there was an order in that 40 minutes or waiting before that should be revealed through future investigations. I'll stop listening to it. So far, I have been with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute. Thank you.
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