Cho Eung-cheon "The 'six-member system' Constitution will be difficult to impeach.尹 The possibility of 'suspension of duty' until the term of office"

- Han Deok-soo should have appointed a constitutional judge.The ruling and opposition parties have already agreed on a situation called

- An expert on rebellion by the whole nation...Han Deok-soo, there is no incident of aiding and abetting civil war

- Is 尹's approval rating close to 30%? Public opinion poll seems to have been over-sampled

- 尹 who knows investigative mechanism, is refusing to comply with investigation to determine impeachment

◆ [YTN Radio SHINYUL's news]
■ Broadcasting: FM 94.5 (17:00-19:00)
■ Air date: December 26, 2024 (Thursday)
■ Proceedings: Shin Yul, Professor of Political Science and Diplomacy at Myongji University
■ Dialogue: Cho Eung-cheon, General Special Adviser to the New Reform Party

- Han Deok-soo should have appointed a constitutional judge.The ruling and opposition parties have already agreed on a situation called
- An expert on rebellion by the whole nation...Han Deok-soo, there is no incident of aiding and abetting civil war
- Is 尹's approval rating close to 30%? Public opinion polls appear to be oversampled
- 尹 who knows the investigation mechanism, refuses to comply with the investigation to determine impeachment
- 尹 wants to fight public opinion.Concerns over adverse effects upon investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit
- Lee Jae-myung should be impeached before the Supreme Court's ruling is made.
- The Constitutional Court's decision to impeach the six-member system will be quite difficult.The possibility of 'suspension of duty' until the 尹's term is also
- 與 Kwon Young-se's emergency committee system is on the way to death.an unfavorable

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information.

◇Shinryul: Shinryul's News Head-to-head Match Part 4 begins. In today's front interview for the fourth part, we're the ones who have a hard time serving you about once a month. You are in the studio of Cho Eung-cheon, the general special advisor of the New Reform Party. Please come in.

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: Yes, hello.

◇ Shin Yul: Do you feel like the holidays?

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: Oh, it's confusing and the taste of rice is low.

◇ Shin Yul: No, next year is a little more.

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: How could it be worse?

◇ Shin Yul: But I'm worried because I think next year will be very confused. I don't know if it's next year or not, but if I say it in a word, I won't appoint a constitutional judge. This is it. How do you rate it?

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: I thought that this should be appointed. You can't act as an acting president, so you can't just stand down, and that doesn't make sense. I can tell you for a long time why that's not possible, but it's different from appointing three people directly to the president. It's different from this. The National Assembly, one of the three constitutional institutions, asked me to do this, so if there is no formal reason for disqualification, it should be done because it is a formality, a formal appointment right, and a passive action, and I hope the ruling and opposition parties agree that they have not reached an agreement. Anyway, the Democratic Party of Korea should break the past practice and make two members. Let's make it one-on-one for the National Assembly, and one of them fought very slowly, saying that it has been customary to go to an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties. At that time, there was nothing frustrating about the Democratic Party. But after the president was impeached, we had to finish it quickly and go to an early presidential election, so the Democratic Party of Korea is in a hurry. It's completely changed, changed to 180 degrees, changed roles, and it's not funny.Ma should pay attention to one thing here: Anyway, at the end of November, floor leader Choo Kyung-ho made negotiations with the opposition party. You guys will do two and we will do one. Then that's how I agreed. Then you can't turn this over again. Since the ruling and opposition parties reached an agreement anyway, the National Assembly should appoint them if they made such a decision, but the ruling and opposition parties refused to appoint them because they said there was never a precedent for appointing them without an agreement. Well, they agreed, but they have reversed that and have not been agreed again.

◇ Shin-ryul: Anyway, we're not going to appoint a fact. To put it simply, the number of quorum for passing the impeachment motion is 200 or 151. But since lawmaker Cho Eung-cheon was a lawyer prosecutor, what should I do about this?

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: So, the whole nation has become a stem cell expert because of Dr. Hwang Woo-seok, but recently, the whole nation has no choice but to become an expert on the constitution and rebellion against foreign exchange. In any case, I think a practical role is more important than a formal part in the interpretation of the Constitution. Even if the reason for impeachment is that the reason for the impeachment is an accomplice in a civil war or assistance, in practice, why don't you appoint a constitutional judge? You have to appoint it. It means that you are illegal or unconstitutional. Then, the authority to appoint a constitutional judge is not the authority of the prime minister, but the authority of the president. If so, I misused the president's authority as an acting president. Therefore, this should go to 200 seats based on the impeachment of the president. And ostensibly, that's what the professor has heard, but one of the general principles of the law is the principle of estoppel. Once you say it, you are not protected from doing anything that goes against it. So, if you tell me once, I'll trust that and move forward. So, at the Cabinet meeting, I filed a complaint saying it was weird, but I said I'd let you go, so I accepted being an acting authority. But again, because the Constitutional Court did not appoint him for another reason, he went back and pulled it out, and if you're impeached with this again, it doesn't fit what I said earlier. This is a fundamental principle of law that is almost equivalent to the principle of good faith. An example of the principle of estoppel. It's from Roman law and it's against it. And if I'm talking about myself now, what's the specific fact that I've sympathized with or aided and abetted this?

◇ Shin Yul: That's right. We're still investigating that.

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: You don't have one. I just went to the police and talked about going to related government officials, but there's not much coming out right now. Then, there's nothing that's been found to be illegal or unconstitutional. Then I think he would have agreed at the time, so this cannot be impeached.

◇ Shin-ryul: So anyway, if you want to impeach him, you have to be two-thirds. And former Minister Kim Yong-hyun's position on martial law this morning was briefly summarized by announcer Kim Young-min, where former Minister Kim Yong-hyun's lawyer lost his alarm about the defeat of the National Assembly. It was declared to resolve public suspicions about election management and to clear up pro-North Korean juche and anti-state forces. What do you think?

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: This is something similar to what the president said in his second or third statement, but I think he did it for the sake of gathering his supporters rather than announcing this to the whole nation.

◇ Credit: So how successful do you think the gathering of supporters has been?

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: President Yoon Suk Yeol's approval rating is close to 30%, but he is rejuvenating. I heard that it was 4% and 5% under President Park Geun Hye. So I think the concrete probably doesn't fall off, but clumps together and actively responds to the polls, and that's a little oversampling.

◇ Shin Yul: It became a sample of budget. I'll tell you the outline of the poll you just mentioned later. There are a lot of people talking about how to issue an arrest warrant for President Yoon now, but this is because the president refuses to comply with the investigation and the Constitutional Court tries to give him documents on impeachment. How do you see this?

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: Should I tell you about the investigation first? Anyway, lawyer Seok Dong-hyun is not in a position to answer only what the investigator asks in the closed room. What that means is that investigations are now secretive. It's a rule to keep it private. If it is disclosed, it may be punished for the publication of the suspected fact, and basically, the investigator asks a question and the suspect answers. So you can't say what you want to say and do whatever you want. And if you talk about it, it doesn't spread very well, but rather, the investigator sneaks it away. I've been announcing a lot of suspected facts. It's bad for the suspects to achieve the purpose of the investigation. The person who did it the best was Yoon Suk Yeol Han Dong-hoon. Anyway, because I know such McCannism, when I'm under investigation, I can't say what I want to say, I'm unilaterally dragged, and then I go to an investigative agency and answer, and when it's written as a record, it's used in the impeachment trial of the Constitutional Court. During the impeachment trial of President Park Geun Hye, the record was posted to the special prosecutor or special edition, and it became the data for the impeachment judgment. So there's nothing good for me. However, the open court of the Constitutional Court is open first, and then the National Assembly and the President are equal parties. It's an exchange of offensive defense. You can roar there, or you can say the logic that Minister Kim Yong-hyun talked about today very strongly. So I said, "Is this not an act of governance or what?" And if I really wanted to submit to the National Assembly, I would have done this. I think they want to have a public opinion war with more detail. But now, if you go out to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and get investigated, it doesn't have such an effect, and the impeachment trial is only working on the bad side, so I think he said he couldn't go.

◇ Shin Yul: Then shouldn't we get some impeachment documents from the Constitutional Court and show cooperation?

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: That's right, but we're fighting for time with representative Lee Jae-myung, and we're saying, "I'm okay with each other, and you should die first." But President Yoon went further from that and said, "I don't know if I can't help but get out of impeachment, but let's die together." But CEO Lee Jae-myung didn't appoint a lawyer and he didn't receive it for a long time, and I just have to finish the impeachment process early and go to the early presidential election. Because I'm doing that now, if there's no such situation, it's a little more likely that I've just been served and done it procedurally, but now that the opponent is there, he's lying down like that and playing bed soccer, and if I'm the only one who gets it regularly, I'll end it first and then I'll donate it there. I think that's why I keep delaying it because of this thought.

◇ Shin Yul: There's something I don't understand well that martial law is wrong. All members of the People's Power are like that. Martial law is wrong, but I'm against impeachment. Is this logical inconsistency there? So, no matter how much we can make a flower path for Lee Jae-myung, even if we somehow deprive Lee Jae-myung of his right to run for election or at least get a second trial ruling on the election law, we can't see the Supreme Court's ruling because of impeachment, but if it weren't for impeachment, the Supreme Court would fly the right to run for election. Everyone, you want to pick someone like that, but what do you want to do now? The Democratic Party of Korea suddenly changed its stance to end the impeachment quickly, and what we've done so far was the people's power, but suddenly it changed and the Democratic Party asked for the appointment, and the people's power is not good. Isn't it a comedy? So this is somehow the presumption of innocence where each other flirts with each other, and you're the presumption of guilt. My delay is justice, your delay is a trick. That's what they both think.

◇ Shin Yul: But how do you watch it? First of all, among the judicial risks of representative Lee Jae-myung, when do you think the Supreme Court of the first trial and second trial guilty of violating the Public Official Election Act will come out?

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: The first trial came out on November 15th, so according to 633, it should be released by February 15th. But it's been a month and a half. I just got that record receipt notice. From now on, the reason for appeal is written within 20 days, and the deadline for preparation for the appeal is two weeks. If that happens by January 7th, the deadline for preparation will be almost over by the end of January, and in the meantime, we haven't appointed a lawyer, so the public defense has been posted now. I won't go to the end of the public defense. The diagonal defense will come in, but several people changed the diagonal line because the result was bad in the first trial. But I haven't reviewed the records yet, so if I postpone the preparation date one or two or three times, this will go on lightly to March. And the evidence that we didn't get to appear in our court, the witnesses, they're going to keep coming out. Then, there will be another personnel transfer to the court in March, but then the court will change and it's all over again. If you renew it again, it gets better. Then April will just go by. But in this situation, we have to dismiss all of them quickly and match them in three months. Would it be easy to do that now? The court said, "Representative Lee Jae-myung should not even think about the Supreme Court, and the impeachment should be completed before the appellate court ruling comes out."

◇ Shin Yul: So when do you think the impeachment will end?

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: April 18th is the end of your two presidents' terms. Let's say we continue with the six-member system. If two people fall out at that time, it's a four-person system. I can't do anything about it. So you have to sentence them at the end of March and early April. However, I think I should appoint a constitutional judge anyway, but if Prime Minister Han Deok-soo says, "There has been no such thing in constitutional history until now," and continues, I think this will not be impeached because it has 200 seats, and then we will continue with six people. I think it's quite difficult to make an agreement somehow, but since it doesn't work, we can continue with six people and decide to impeach with six people. Then there are four of us. Extremely speaking, we can go to suspension of duty until the end of the Yoon Suk Yeol presidency. Then, the Republic of Korea is completely... I mean, you should die first, whether the country is ruined or not.

◇ Shin Yul: If that happens, I don't know what will happen to next year's presidential election.

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: So anyway, it's two months from then when impeachment is decided. So, if I appoint a constitutional judge, I will decide on the ruling no matter how late in March or early April, but I don't know if it continues like this. What kind of agreement should we make? We've already finished the hearing and voted on it. How do I do this?

◇ Shin Yul: How do you see the power of the people now? Kwon Young-se became the chairman of the committee.

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: I think we're on the road to death. For me,

◇Sinryul: If you could tell me more about it

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: Anyway, the public sentiment is much more dominant that they think martial law is wrong and that they have to go to impeachment. But those who are now taking the lead in the party are following the opinions of the rest of the minority and the public's minority, and unfortunately, that's the majority of the supporters of the people's power. So, the party is in a complete mess right now, but let's unite, unite, unite, and break through this difficulty. It's a good way to win the election and win the presidential election and after the election. Then, don't you think that the party of people's power is just looking at the self-hardened supporters, ignoring the will of the majority of the people? Of course, there is a successful case of the Democratic Party of Korea in the 22nd general election, and I think the presidential election will be a little different. So I have to continue to expand my support somehow, but as I keep going in the narrow direction, it's on the way to collapse. That's how I look at it. On top of that, lawmakers who voted for impeachment set up a wall, told them to confess, and threw water bottles.

◇ Synthesis: The claim is that the water bottle was not thrown.

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: Anyway, there are nutmeg texts, and that's a little worse than the Democratic Party's gun when the arrest agreement was passed last year. So aren't you saying that you're taking the lead? But why is politics like this now? The presidential system won 0.73% of the time, but the losing side does not have any power and exercises power. I didn't want to come near and meet him, but I just did it for more than two and a half years as I wanted. It's a winner-take-all. So, I don't know if I do well, but because I don't do well, the Democratic Party of Korea won 0.54% of the votes in the general election, but the number of seats in the region was almost twice as big. Because of the small-election system, if there is even one vote, everyone will go, so the resignation came out a lot. The Democratic Party has also taken control of both the presidential election and the parliamentary power here. So, no need for the National Assembly Advancement Act, but in the past, we tried not to compromise dialogue and compromise somehow, so we tried not to force it, but now I wonder when that happened.

◇ Shin Yul: We're going separately.

◆ Cho Eung-cheon: That's your idea and we're just going to our business. We just schedule the plenary session. It's an example I haven't seen. We were supposed to do it for two days, but it was three days later. So, wasn't there an unwritten rule that democracy does not roll only with the separation of powers, but that something like a lubricant that softens it is controlled by democratic norms, so there is mutual respect and institutional restraint, but I am strong, but I do not wield it unconditionally as the principle of majority? In the 22nd generation, this is completely broken, and the president regards it as the subject of judicial disposition no matter what the opposition party says, and I think this happened because of the winner's monopoly. The 87-year system, five-year homeroom teacher, and the method of electing small-election constituency members is now over. I can't even say it because I'm embarrassed. Now, somehow, the president's authority has to be removed and lawmakers have to go to a multi-party system through a major election system. The biggest problem is that the imperial representative or the imperial party is completely printed and nominated, so look at what lawmakers called constitutional institutions are doing in the Democratic Party of Korea these days. It's all unanimous. It's just unanimous. It is a party theory despite the fact that the law states that the national interest should be considered first according to the conscience of each person, and that the authority should be exercised and voted. If you just follow me, and I'm out of line, isn't it excluded from the next nomination? Aren't you following in a line because you're scared of that? Then, we should hold an open primary in the U.S. style so that the party's real power doesn't allow, for example, lawyers in Daejang-dong to give us something, or the lawmakers can't do anything and just follow along.

◇ Shin Yul: I see. Let's stop here today. Thank you. So far, I was Cho Eung-cheon, the general special advisor of the New Reform Party.