22nd First State Audit Ended...The ruling party's special inspector general is in internal red.

■ Hosted by: Anchor Sung-kyu Sung-gyu
■ Starring: Lee Jong-geun, current affairs critic, Professor Bae Jong-ho of Seha University

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN Newswide] when quoting.

[Anchor]
The 22nd first parliamentary audit will end this week. The Democratic Party plans to focus on suspicions related to Kim Gun-hee until the end. Also, in the power of the people, there is an internal feud over the promotion of a special inspector. Today's political news will be predicted with current affairs critic Lee Jong-geun and Sehan University Professor Bae Jong-ho. Hello, both of you. First, let's talk about the parliamentary audit. It started on the 7th. The first parliamentary audit of the 22nd National Assembly actually ended last week, and this week, only the steering committee's audit of the presidential secretariat remains. Shall we listen to the first parliamentary audit of the 22nd National Assembly?

[Lee Jong-geun]
When the parliamentary audit began, I was very worried because I came out on this program. Professor Bae was also worried. Because NGOs also told me that the 21st parliamentary audit was actually the worst at the time. There was too much political conflict in the 21st generation. But what will happen to the 22nd generation? But aren't you spending a lot more years in political strife than in your 21s? But there are three kinds of parliamentary audits. One is to keep the government in check, and the second is to get the government's inspection agencies to use the data in the process of making policies. Lastly, we go into the budget settlement review right away. So, it plays three roles in requesting data from the audited agencies for budget settlement. There was no such thing in this parliamentary audit. There were only two. As you said, First Lady Kim Gun-hee's defense, Representative Lee Jae-myung's bulletproof. If there were only two conflicting things like this and one more, Hani of Newzins appeared and there were only three scenes, including the criticism that "Why should Hani come out in the national audit?" In particular, if I tell you one more thing, the old style still continues. There were only 209 cases in which 630 audited organizations were called in and each question was asked. More than 60% of institutions have been sent back after just waiting all day. The old days are still going on.

[Anchor]
You criticized me a lot. If you give me credits.

[Lee Jong-geun]
I'd like to give you an F. The monitoring team gave me a D-. It's worse than F. Even though F retakes the course.

[Anchor]
The critic gave me an F. Professor, how did you see it?

[Bae Jong Ho]
First of all, NGOs want to evaluate D-. But wouldn't he have done an F if he told the public to evaluate it? And since our critics are the ones who convey the people's position if possible, I think we will also make a report card that is close to F. There were two things now. It's generally said like this. Kim Gun-hee and Lee Jae-myung. However, to put it another way, it was Kim Gun-hee's black hole. So the beginning is Kim Gun-hee, and the end is Kim Gun-hee. In fact, various suspicions by First Lady Kim Gun-hee in almost all important standing committees. As you mentioned, the government's inspection is supposed to check the administration's original function, as it deals with the allegations of manipulating the stock price of Deutsche Motors, preferential construction of its official residence, and intervention in nominations. So, it should be an inspection of policy and an inspection of people's livelihoods, but I couldn't do this. In particular, people's livelihoods, the economy, and security are more serious than ever, and I'm sorry that I couldn't do this, and I'm worried that the presidential office will be more fiercely confronted here. The confrontation between the ruling and opposition parties in the current parliamentary audit is only a symbolic aspect of our politics. As you know well, war-like politics continued after Yoon Suk Yeol's inauguration. So, those aspects are being extended to the parliamentary inspection, and politics should be normalized as soon as possible. 1. Unfortunately, I am worried that fierce political strife will continue in the future.

[Anchor]
Both of you were very sorry that there was no policy inspection in common and criticized that a lot. But actually, the Democratic Party announced that it would go to Kim Gun-hee before the parliamentary inspection began. But the more problem is that I fell into Kim Gun-hee's black hole like that, but there was no decisive shot. Why did this do that?

[Bae Jong Ho]
I don't agree with the evaluation that there was no decisive shot, but once I answer the question, the National Assembly has no compulsory investigation right. Once you request attendance as a witness and a reference, if these people refuse, you issue an accompanying order. However, even in the case of an accompanying order, there is no compulsory arrest right. So I would like to say that there is a need to systematically and legally supplement this part. In the case of the National Assembly, there is no compulsory investigation right, so shouldn't you attend once you are adopted as a witness? Moreover, they do not attend even though they issue an accompanying order. Then it's quite problematic. However, the problem here is that in the case of Kim Gun-hee, she is at the center of suspicion, and in the case of Kim Gun-hee, she was adopted as a witness, and since she did not attend, she issued an order to accompany her, but she nevertheless did not come out. Then, when the president's wife ignores the authority of the National Assembly without attending the National Assembly, would other people recognize the authority of the National Assembly? I would like to say that this is a pity.

[Anchor]
You saw it on the ticket.Ma said that the accompanying order was issued 27 times in this parliamentary inspection. The number of orders issued over the past four years is a total of 14, which is about twice as many as four years combined. There were a lot. In any case, it is recorded that there were no witnesses present even though the accompanying order was issued. On the other hand, the People's Power proposed a special inspector as a solution to quell suspicions about Kim Gun-hee, and this is why there are considerable differences in opinions within the party. In the case of Daegu Mayor Hong Joon Pyo, he also criticized it as an immature rampage that causes a disturbance within the party, and today he even used the expression "Gano" of a specific group. How do you see this? Is it poisonous or beneficial to the power of the people, Special Inspector?

[Lee Jong-geun]
First of all, I would like to say that this expression of the Hong Joon Pyo market varies from time to time. When the mayor of Hong Joon Pyo said something when he was the leader, shaking the authority of the party leader is shaking the party. Who has the stronger authority of the party leader elected by one million party members and the floor leader elected by more than 100 members of the National Assembly? The party leader is stronger. It's the opposite. Because he was the leader of the party at that time. And at the time, some lawmakers attacked him to try to shake him. The party leader is the best then. One million party members chose the party leader. That's what I said. Let me tell you one more thing. Former President Yoon Suk Yeol will join the party in 2021. At that time, there was no representative Lee Joon-seok in the party. So there's a controversy over passing Lee Joon-seok's representative. That's when the mayor of Hong Joon Pyo says, Just as everything goes to Rome, the group that looks down on the party leader is only an interest group. So no matter how young he is, the elected leader is the biggest adult of the party.

[Anchor]
Who said that?

[Lee Jong-geun]
Says the mayor of Hong Joon Pyo. It's the opposite of what we're talking about. Now, the expression "ho-ho-ho-ho-wi" is just right. At that time, some groups protecting each other said it was a problem. Conversely, it's called the lemming group. A close group that supports CEO Han Dong-hoon. By the way, what does it mean? Isn't it called a favor when the fox behind him pretends to be a tiger and enjoys power? But when the mayor of Hong Joon Pyo meets someone, he always criticizes CEO Han Dong-hoon. Who? President of Yoon Suk Yeol. Last April, as soon as President Yoon Suk Yeol finished the election, he invited the mayor of Hong Joon Pyo for a four-hour dinner four days later. After that, the Hong Joon Pyo market's mouth becomes rough. I lash out at CEO Han Dong-hoon. It's the same now. Anyway, to tell you the last question, we need a special inspector. Why? I'm losing the game now. World Cup soccer is on. I'm losing. It's 3:0. But the coach has 10 minutes left, and I like the 4-3-3 strategy very much. Will the audience like the director if I say I'll go with the previous rule? Don't you have to change something and chase the rest of the 10 minutes, whether you're replacing players, rotation or changing the tactics? But for three years, the Yoon Suk Yeol government has actually had the biggest reform. All we need to do is reform. I don't care about any criticism. I've never had this momentum. I think the special inspector is the beginning of that minimum momentum.

[Anchor]
The critic believes that it is necessary to promote a special inspector system anyway.

[Lee Jong-geun]
It's not everything from beginning to end, it's the beginning. You have to start from the beginning.

[Anchor]
But even with that, the existing position was to link it with the North Korean Human Rights Foundation, and the power of the people. But the pro-Yoon-gye's position is that we should do that again this time. But there is no time for that. Isn't it a close opinion that you can't do this if you connect it with that? How do you see this?

[Lee Jong-geun]
Floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, who is the floor leader now, actually says something wrong. I expressed it as if it was Dang-ron to connect, but there was no Dang-ron. I've never decided on a party platform to link it at the general meeting of the lawmakers. It's a floor strategy. I'm saying that I'm not going to link it now. The Democratic Party of Korea has not been holding the North Korean Human Rights Foundation for eight years. I have to recommend 5 people for 8 years, but I can't because I haven't recommended 5 people, but do you think the Democratic Party will listen to me if I suddenly link that I will recommend this? What that means is that the Democratic Party is not doing it, so it's just an excuse that it can't do a special inspector system right now. What's important is the North Korean Human Rights Foundation. But let's start with the special inspector system in solving this. Then the Democratic Party can't connect.

[Anchor]
Then the Democratic Party's position is very important here. The Democratic Party's position can be a variable. We'll do that for the North Korean Human Rights Foundation. I think it could be solved right away if we recommend moving. What is the Democratic Party's position?

[Bae Jong Ho]
The Democratic Party of Korea's position is that the special inspector system is not important, but that it is important to introduce a special prosecutor. In the case of Han Dong-hoon, as a differentiation strategy, didn't he ask the Special Inspector General plus Kim Gun-hee to organize the secret lines and three things? However, although there is a differentiation regarding Kim Gun-hee, the special inspector system has another aim. There is also a side that is now water down the offensive of the opposition parties such as the Democratic Party of Korea and the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee. So, if the special inspector becomes an issue, the issue of Kim Gun-hee's special prosecutor will disappear from the Democratic Party's point of view. So I'm clearly drawing the line here. However, there is a clear institutional difference between the special inspector and the special prosecutor. What that car is is that in the case of a special inspector, there is no compulsory investigation right. And there is no right to prosecute. So it's very difficult to come up with results on any specific irregularities. Because I only have the right to investigate. And because I can only make accusations. However, in the case of a special prosecutor, there is a compulsory investigation right. Because there's a fundamental difference. However, as you said, there is a possibility that Lee Jae-myung, chairman of the Democratic Party of Korea, will receive it strategically. There are cases like this. Okay, then get an independent counsel. Then I'll get a special inspector. So, I don't think there's a chance that both sides will receive it, but it's difficult at the first meeting where the two met this time. First of all, I'm clearly drawing the line. But there is a possibility that the two will have another round of meeting. In fact, two people had a private meeting for more than 30 minutes at the first meeting. Then if we have the second meeting, I think it's possible to have a solo meeting. Then, in my view, a message that leaves some margin can now come out in terms of the results. The margin opens the way for the introduction of the special inspector to some extent and it is difficult to completely rule out the possibility of introducing a special prosecutor.

[Anchor]
Although the date or topic of the second ruling and opposition parties' summit did not come out in detail, there was a possibility that both the special counsel and the special counsel could be discussed and accepted.

[Lee Jong-geun]
It's not possible. So, from the perspective of the power of the people, the power of the people is attacking representative Han Dong-hoon, even expressing him as a traitor. However, if representative Han Dong-hoon agrees like that here, if that happens, there will be no justification when we talk with our close friends, for example, at the general meeting of the lawmakers. The most important thing is to receive the special inspector system at the same time as the special prosecutor from Chin-yoon, who says he can't accept it now? The reason why this doesn't make sense is that President Yoon is on March 14, 2022. Since you were elected on March 10th, I say this four days later as the president-elect. I will differentiate myself from the President of Moon Jae In. President Moon Jae In has privately cultivated a special inspector system to protect his or her own affairs or relatives, but he or she will not. There is an article that says that I ordered the restart to reveal all my in-laws and business risks through a special inspector. So right now, representative Han Dong-hoon said, "The president said this while he was elected." So it has the justification to implement it as it is. The only thing that the Democratic Party of Korea is saying that the special prosecution must be conducted now is that it will not accept the special prosecution and continue to exercise its veto power to make a revolving-door vote and attack it. It's been 3 years, but it's stronger. It can only be read with the intention of using it as a tool for political strife, rather than actually investigating the special prosecutor.

[Anchor]
So, in order not to conduct an independent counsel, let's push for a special inspector to prevent it, and he said he had to respond preemptively, so he thought there was no possibility of accepting the two together.

[Lee Jong-geun]
I don't think there's any possibility. In that sense, CEO Han Dong-hoon is a single head.

[Anchor]
Then, to tell you one more story about the power of the people, will the special inspector go to the medical gun? Shall we go and vote? Please tell us about this part.

[Lee Jong-geun]
There is a possibility of going to the gun. But the important thing is to look at it now. I think what the mayor of Hong Joon Pyo said earlier is correct. According to Dangheon Danggyu, it is said that he will oversee the party's affairs. So, when the representative decides on the direction, the highest committee is the highest decision-making body. If the direction is decided while presiding over the top committee, the floor leader is the subject of negotiations with the three major parties of the negotiating group and the floor leader. It's written like that in the Dangheon Danggyu. However, he said he would go to the parliamentary assembly first, and now the party leader is going to conduct a party opinion poll. There is a possibility that both will be carried out. The floor leader says he will do it, but we can't restrict the party leader from not doing it. But the General Assembly is not a voting body. If you say you're doing something for example, the highest committee is supposed to make the final decision. Then I think I can go to the medical gun, there's no stopping it. However, it is highly likely that it will not go from a general meeting to a vote. What's the vote? It becomes an outpost of Bundang.

[Anchor]
I see. Meanwhile, the president's approval rating came out again last Friday. It was a Gallup poll, and the president's approval rating hit 20%. At the same time, it hit an all-time low again, but specifically, the approval rating of 30% was broken in Daegu and Gyeongbuk. Kim Gun-hee ranked first in the negative evaluation. What do you think? From the opposition's point of view.

[Bae Jong Ho]
This should not be viewed from the opposition's point of view, but it should be evaluated objectively from the people's point of view. Now I've hit a 20% low again in 6 weeks and 20% is the psychological Maginot Line, isn't it? However, if this collapses, the power of state administration is rapidly lost. So I have no choice but to fall into lame duck, but to hit 20% again means that the red light is very clear. The problem is, if you look at the contents, as you said, the risk of Mrs. Kim Gun-hee has increased very much. In my memory, 6 weeks ago, it was 3%, but this time, it's 15%, ranking first in negative evaluation. That's why it's five times higher. Then why did it get so high? In the meantime, suspicions related to First Lady Kim Gun-hee continue to emerge, so the public's anger index is higher. And secondly, it has been people's livelihood, economy, and prices that have consistently topped the list of presidential Yoon Suk Yeol's negative evaluations. However, in this poll, the issue of First Lady Kim Gun-hee ranked first, higher than people's livelihood, economy, and prices. What is this talk about? From the people's point of view, the issue of living is the most important. However, the problem of Mrs. Kim Gun-hee is more serious than the problem of living. I can't help but see that the red light is on. And 20% of the time I said it was a psychological Maginot Line, but the problem now is that 20% of it has been broken in the Seoul metropolitan area, Seoul, Gyeonggi Province, and Incheon. The fact that it recorded 10% is a very dangerous part. Even in the middle class, 10% was completely broken. And all under-50s are now 10% broken. And even in TK and PK, which can be said to be conservative gardens, the anchor mentioned earlier, only 20% of the approval rating came out. This means that even in the conservative garden, only 20% support President Yoon Suk Yeol. This is quite serious. At the center of it is the problem of First Lady Kim Gun-hee, so can President Yoon Suk Yeol now come up with a fundamental prescription for this? In my case, I think of it as karma. I'm worried that it's a very serious situation because I'm in this position that I'll get hit if I throw a stone.

[Anchor]
On November 10th of next month, President Yoon's term is halfway through. It's exactly two and a half years later. Taking this as an opportunity, I heard that we are also preparing for a communication event with the people, so what kind of opportunity can be provided there?

[Lee Jong-geun]
I hope there will be an opportunity. But there were many similar events. As you can see when the president said that he communicates with the public in such areas during the settlement period, there were quite a few cases where it stimulated the public's public sentiment. Representatively, it was done in the middle of the last general election in areas related to the medical crisis, and President Yoon decided on 2,000 people like this to the people for more than an hour. I convinced him that the numbers were anything but unscientific.As a result, the conclusion was that I would not concede a single thing. But it's always been the same. After the general election, the president will change. Public sentiment is the most important thing, I said that every time I lost the election, I said that, and I said that I would communicate, but in the end, I didn't do anything that the president changed. To be honest, personnel reshuffles in the presidential office and Cabinet reshuffles, even if they are not necessarily in line, are replaced once and sent a new message as a new person, but now I will never use personnel appointments as a means of political momentum. He just insists on it like that. Therefore, the image of the president is too stubborn and too bad. This is one of the reasons why the approval rating is falling because it is fixed now, so as the anchor said, the turning point is actually the second period of the Yoon Suk Yeol government, version 2. What's version 2? It has to be different from version 1. If it's not different, would it be version 2?

[Anchor]
So, you said that we should not only hold an interview with words or listen to the people's stories, but also feel substantial changes. CEO Han Dong-hoon happened to visit Daegu on the day of this poll. I found Daegu, and I talked about this there. In the Busan Geumjeong by-elections, the approval rate was 61%, and the president's approval rate of Busan, Ulsan, and Gyeongsangnam-do was 27%. I compared 61% and 27% of them. What does this mean?

[Lee Jong-geun]
I think it's a reaction to the return of responsibility to Han Dong-hoon as he held a general election when he was chairman of the emergency committee. I beat the mayor of Geumjeong-gu. But what did you do during the election campaign for the head of Geumjeong-gu? He voiced a very high level of criticism against Mrs. Kim Gun-hee. on the campaign trail in three stages Then, if the PK or TK have supported the president as Chin-yoon or the presidential office thinks, they should have punished the president or a representative who criticizes the president and the president's wife. But it came out higher than the last general election. In other words, the public sentiment in Busan and South Gyeongsang Province calls for a change in the presidential office. So, I think it is a euphemism that the president's approval rating in Busan, Gyeongnam, or TK changes only when it changes.

[Anchor]
Presidential approval rating can be said to be a report card for the president, but I think Han Dong-hoon's report card will be released soon. It will be the 100th day of his inauguration on the 30th. By then, there will be various stories, but will representative Han Dong-hoon talk about reform and change of the presidential office through a press conference? What do you expect?

[Bae Jong Ho]
From Han Dong-hoon's point of view, innovation and change are the keywords. And didn't the president of Yoon Suk Yeol publicly declare his separation? And after that, pro-Yoon-gye is launching a massive offensive against Han Dong-hoon. In particular, even floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, who is now the party's two top, is fighting over the introduction of the special inspector system. So, CEO Han Dong-hoon has no choice but to take a differentiated drive. So, I think the keyword will strongly address the issue of Kim Gun-hee's reorganization at the 100th press conference. We cannot win unless we renew and change. In order to win, we need to reform and change, and the first problem is Kim Gun-hee. I think you're likely to say this message strongly.

[Anchor]
Then let's talk about it in advance this time. If you give me the 100th day of CEO Han Dong-hoon's inauguration, how would you give it to me?

[Bae Jong Ho]
In my view, CEO Han Dong-hoon's grades are not that high. First of all, if you look at the objective results, if you look at the poll's approval rating. Although it is a partial poll, it is only about half of the approval rating for Lee Jae-myung as president. And compared to the past, the approval rating for individuals has decreased significantly compared to before taking office. Then why did the approval rating drop? He says he is differentiating himself, but anyway, the way he continues to fight with the president sends a very disturbing message to conservative supporters. And didn't you become the leader of the ruling party for the second time? Then you have to show yourself as the leader of the ruling party. Then, what's the representative image? In my view, it is necessary to show the value of a definite remuneration. But I haven't shown anything like that. Instead, you can say that you are differentiating yourself from the president, but you are just fighting. And secondly, you don't have a definite result. Didn't you say you would propose a third-party independent counsel law recommended by Chae Sang-byung? But I don't do it even after many months since I took office. That's why I don't trust you. And the ruling and opposition party's political consultative body also wanted to launch, but there was no result. Therefore, there is a considerable problem of trust in this area. And the most important thing is that if the leader of the ruling party and a strong presidential candidate, he should present a big vision of where Korea should go in the future, but in my view, he has not received a high score yet. That's what I think.

[Anchor]
Professor Bae said that he was only showing fighting, so I remember that when Han Dong-hoon was inaugurated, I said that I was holding it in a lot. I'm a famous person because I'm good at fighting, but he said he's holding it in a lot. But they keep fighting these days.

[Lee Jong-geun]
The Democratic Party of Korea would have said this if it had not shown such an appearance, but simply showed the same stenosis as Kim Ki-hyun before that. It's an avatar, an avatar of the Yoon Suk Yeol government. He would have criticized Yoon Suk Yeol by saying that a 20-year junior who does what he wants to do while treating his seniors. So, of course, fighting is like criticizing you as an avatar at the time and saying you wouldn't be able to differentiate yourself, but isn't it the same as criticizing that you only fight because you see the process of differentiating yourself? I also feel a bit sorry for the Democratic Party of Korea in the legislative council. Because at first, they said they were pushing for the legislative council itself and that the meeting would come, but the chairman of the policy committee said that the Democratic Party would not participate. In addition, Lee Jae-myung, the representative of Park Dan, meets with him and persuades him to enter the ruling-opposition parliamentary consultative body, but he should have been with him for that matter from the beginning. And it doesn't seem very appropriate for the Democratic Party to suddenly say that it won't come in when it said it was going well and several medical groups would come in.

[Anchor]
Since the 100th day of CEO Han Dong-hoon's inauguration is Wednesday, we will watch what stories come out at the press conference. Let's stop here. It was with Lee Jong-geun, a current affairs critic, and Bae Jong-ho, a professor at Seha University. Thank you.