[Politics ON] Special Inspector's war of nerves...Chin Yoon "Quiet" vs. Close "Open Gun"

■ Host: Youngsoo Kim anchor
■ Appearance: Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Bae Jae-dae, head of InSight K Research Center, Bae Jong-chan

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsON] when quoting.

[Anchor]
Let's start <Politics On> looking at the outside and inside of politics. Today, we will analyze with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor of Bae Jae-dae, and Bae Jong-chan, head of Insight K Research Institute. Please come in. Hello. Let's start with Jungkook's situation analysis. Please show us the first keyword. You are the supreme council member of the People's Power. The power of the people is intensifying factional conflict ahead of the general meeting of lawmakers who will decide whether to pursue a special inspector. In Yo-han, the supreme council member, used the expression of quiet. It's another collision at the top. Why did In Yo-han, the supreme council member, use the word "silence"? Let's listen to it with the voice of Supreme Council member Kim Jong-hyuk.

[In Yo-han / Supreme Council Member for People's Power] There are two things we need to be careful about. First, we have to be careful about the destructive pulling down each other, and secondly, we can open the door and talk and close the door and fight fiercely among ourselves. When it comes to exchanging opinions and opinions, I think the content should be different where the door is closed and opened because it comes out quietly and without informing too much others. ]

[Kim Jong-hyuk / Supreme Council Member for the People's Power: Controversy continues over the recommendation of a special inspector in the presidential office. Most of them agree with what Rep. In Yo-han, who I respect personally, has said, but it is also true that there are disagreements. I think the party and the people have a right to know what arguments our members make about the recommendation of the special inspector. Therefore, if a general meeting is held through an open meeting, I hope that discussions and votes will take place through an open meeting. ]

[Anchor]
It crashed last week, too. We also clashed at the top today. You heard the voices of the Supreme Council of Pro-Yoon-gye and Pro-Yoon-gye. Professor Kim Hyung-joon seems to be right. How do you think we should resolve the conflict within the party?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
As for the special inspector system, CEO Han Dong-hoon offered a solution to the Kim Gun-hee controversy. However, CEO Han Dong-hoon's biggest advantage in many ways is that he has the ability to offer alternatives. For example, in the case of Chae's special prosecutor's office, there is a deadlock, so let's recommend it to a third party. Even in relation to our medical issues, the proposal to create a ruling-opposition government consultative body can be seen as a kind of suggestion of an alternative. And before meeting with the president regarding Mrs. Kim Gun-hee, you proposed three agendas. These are all alternatives. It's an alternative, but the problem is not solved decisively. The results aren't coming out, are they? So again, this time, we proposed an alternative called a special inspector, but the results have not come out.

But you have to pay attention to two things. One is whether the system called the Special Inspector General can resolve the current controversial issue of Kim Gun-hee. Of course we are working hard like this. But there are two things. The president's office is against it, and the Democratic Party is against it, but we're still working hard on this. Another thing is that Chin-yoon is now opposing it. This is why I don't think it's easy to achieve results. Opposition parties, the presidential office, and pro-Yoon are also against it. This is why in the case of CEO Han Dong-hoon, it is said that my opposition to the president is not personal, but for the sake of living. However, the disappointing part is that the alternative proposal is good, but we should have talked very closely with floor leader Choo Kyung-ho about the method, behind closed doors.

So I have to coordinate there, but now there is no such process, so when I suggested an alternative, it came out as a factional conflict. No matter what the outcome of the parliamentary elections, the party has no choice but to split. If the opposition is opposed, the people's power will be impossible and representative Han Dong-hoon will end up with a problem with his leadership, and if this increases with approval, how will the relationship between the presidential office and the ruling party be resolved right away? But the problem is that, in the end, the opposition party is fighting outside the office, and there are areas where the special inspection system will attract attention to the people, and eventually, I think that leadership of persuasion is absolutely necessary.

[Anchor]
CEO Han Dong-hoon has not been able to produce results in proposing several alternatives, and he analyzed that the special inspector issue is likely to be the same. What do you think?

[Bae Jong Chan]
Right. If you say it's going to work well, they're... What Professor Kim Hyung-joon said could be a solution, but neither side changes their minds. If either side is in a position that cannot conform, the best thing is to have a mediator. I've emphasized many times throughout our time, but someone takes a brainstorm and gets it, and then goes to the president of Yoon Suk Yeol to get it. Also, go get it from CEO Han Dong-hoon, and this will solve the problem. But there's no one to do that. There's no such force. As a result, the three demands regarding Kim Gun-hee that Han Dong-hoon, CEO of the company, demanded by the company's chief executive officer, are the senior officers. Apologies, investigations, and... Of course, the apology was not included in the content.a dry shooter It's a personnel shake-up. Therefore, the special inspector might have directed Kim Gun-hee to some extent, but it is also possible to resolve the part of personnel reform to some extent.

And it is right to appoint a special inspector. But the Moon Jae In government didn't have that either. As a result, we have to talk about Moon Da-hye, the daughter of former President Moon Jae In, and about Cho Kuk, who was the senior presidential secretary for civil affairs at the time, there are now talks about father and mother's chances. Also, the story of Ulsan mayor's interference in the election. So, it was not appointed Park Geun Hye after Special Inspector Lee Seok-soo resigned in the middle of the former president's term. And not only will the North Korean Human Rights Foundation be linked, but the North Korean Human Rights Foundation should also be appointed. It's a human rights violation because a regime sends its soldiers to the battlefield and you don't know how this situation will happen. Of course, we have to make an appointment. The important thing is that no one is able to do the right things, and no one is sacrificing themselves right now. Someone has to mediate some forces, whether they are all first-term lawmakers, by risking their seats.

[Anchor]
I see. There is a high possibility that the pro-Yoon-gye and close-knit conflict will eventually explode at the general meeting of the lawmakers next week. However, the general meeting is expected to be held next week, but if the close circle wants to go to the vote, Rep. Yoon Sang-hyun, a pro-Yoon-gye, said, "If we vote, it will be the beginning of division, and eventually, the independent counsel law will also have more votes to leave." What do you think of the idea?

[Bae Jong Chan]
I think there's a good chance of that. Because to vote means to go until we go. Then, about 50-60 lawmakers who say they are neither pro-yoon nor close have no choice but to vote for now. The moment you vote, it will be an extreme classification of whether you are close or pro-yoon. It's going to be distinguished.

[Anchor]
There are about 20 close friends and 40 to 50 close friends. And about 40 people...

[Bae Jong Chan]
Some analyze that there are about 30 pro-Yoon-gye. Then there's usually 108 people, and then they're all really divided. If you are imprinted on whether you are all pro-yoon or close, from that moment on, you have no choice but to go to war, crack, and division. [Anchor] If so, can Representative Han Dong-hoon and Floor Leader Choo Kyung-ho meet before next week's general meeting to have a discussion?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's the exit strategy. And who decides that when we actually vote at the General Assembly, let's vote in the end? First, let's consider it to be the floor leader's responsibility, and if it doesn't work, let's vote on it again. I think so. In the end, it can only be seen as a collapse of leadership, so in any case, we have to come up with a good exit strategy of our own, but what I want to say to the ruling party is that the special inspector, of course, may be necessary in this matter, but the environment surrounding the current ruling party is very poor, right? Right now, there is a meeting to condemn Kim Gun-hee on November 2, and the Cho Kuk Innovation Party is declaring that it will be impeached. Look at Ukraine now. The dispatch of troops to North Korea is almost turning out to be true.

And without knowing what kind of close deal Russia and North Korea had, national security is now very tense in a way, and furthermore, the majority of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party has collapsed. But there's an American election soon. I don't know who will win the U.S. election, but if Trump becomes Trump, there is a possibility that the South Korea-U.S.-Japan cooperation system that the Yoon Suk Yeol government talked about could crack in its own way. This is not a normal situation from the perspective of the ruling party. However, I think the internal strife that can come when factional conflict comes out sharply by voting on each other will be very severe, so I have an exit strategy and leadership of persuasion in this area. I hope that representative Han Dong-hoon or President Yoon Suk Yeol will learn some lessons about past cases in the current situation. Representative Han Dong-hoon met with the president of Lee Myung Bak.

In fact, the relationship between President Park Geun Hye and President Lee Myung Bak was worse than that between the president and representative Han Dong-hoon. At that time, the Park Geun Hye and the pro-Park were so powerful, but what happened in the end? The two of you met, and we met behind closed doors. During the meeting, Representative Park Geun Hye fully supports President Lee Myung Bak in relation to his policies, and President Lee Myung Bak said, "I will not intervene in relation to the political process. Didn't we eventually reinvent the regime? On the contrary, look at the relationship between President Park Geun Hye and Representative Kim Moo-sung. At that time, we were really at odds, just like now. What was the result? In the end, it led to the impeachment of the Park Geun Hye, and the regime was changed. If so many people experienced this at the time with lessons, CEO Han Dong-hoon also met with the parts of the situation at the time and asked for advice. Anyway, the situation is not very easy right now, so we will have a vote-gathering race with this issue someday, whether through a parliamentary meeting, but at this point. [Anchor] Then do you think CEO Han Dong-hoon needs a new leadership?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Of course. In that sense, the party leader Han Dong-hoon talked to young people about his differences a lot. I can hardly agree on that. The party leader is not talking about differences, but is in the final stage of making a lot of differences and coordinating them, so in that sense, I think representative Han Dong-hoon is also learning political experience.

[Anchor]
Please show us the graphic that CEO Han Dong-hoon said yesterday. Chairman Han Dong-hoon said yesterday, "It is not on a personal level to oppose the president," and added, "As the party leader, I think the reason why we have many differences is because I think it is a way for everyone to live." The mayor of Hong Joon Pyo, however, directly directed at representative Han, saying, "Is he doing politics that stands out only for himself?" and "It's reckless politics of attention." How do you rate CEO Han Dong-hoon's leadership and recent political moves?

[Bae Jong Chan]
When it comes to disagreement, it's important why you disagree. The way everyone lives is to increase their approval rating. That's because the presidency of Yoon Suk Yeol now has more than half of its term left. The important thing is that there's no one who doesn't know that when you're united, you live, and when you're scattered, you die. However, the reason why the pro-Lee, pro-Park, Lee Myung Bak, and Park Geun Hye were able to combine is desperation. It will be cut off at this rate. That's why we acknowledged each other. I give realistic recognition. Former President Park Geun Hye is former President Lee Myung Bak and former President Lee Myung Bak is former President Park Geun Hye. What happens then. Recognition is revealed through personnel management and policy. So, Yoo Jeong-bok and Choi Kyung-hwan. Let's hire so-called pro-Park people.

So if people mix up now, conflict is what resolves this. So what is important now is the exit strategy, and President Yoon Suk Yeol should come up with something to persuade Han Dong-hoon, not disapprove of him. That's justification and schedule. What is it? What's wrong with the justification and when will the schedule be? So, President Yoon Suk Yeol clearly promised to set up a second annex. I promised to be a special inspector. Then, if you say you'll do it for a certain reason and when it comes out, there will be no conflict with it. So we just need to come up with a convincing solution. There are two short things, and one is a way to resolve these issues that are in conflict, and then to restore approval ratings, and if you present this part, CEO Han Dong-hoon will nod his head.

[Anchor]
I see. President Yoon Suk Yeol's leadership is needed, so let's take a look at President Yoon Suk Yeol's approval rating. Shall we look at the real meter that came out today? Recently, President Yoon Suk Yeol's approval rating has continued to weaken and decline, but today's Realmeter survey rose 0.5 percentage points to 24.6%. The negative rating represents 71.4%. Shall we take a look at the Gallup survey as well? The Gallup survey also recorded 20%. It's down 2 percentage points. Negative rating is up 1 percentage point to 70 percent. Because you're both pollsters. How do you see President Yoon Suk Yeol's approval rating for state administration?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Isn't it an atmosphere that is fixed to the 20% level? However, in real meter surveys, the standard is usually the ARS standard. Usually, 35% is viewed as a certain line, and if it falls below that, the red light turns on. In Gallup, Korea, it's about 25%, but both are under investigation. The most shocking thing in last week's Gallup Korea survey is the great departure of public sentiment in TK.

[Anchor]
Shall we take a look at last week's Gallup survey? I'll look at it by region.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Overall, the positive evaluation is 20. But isn't TK and PK a key area of conservatism? But I was surprised to see the results of the investigation. The president's approval rating for state administration is 26% in Daegu and Gyeongbuk. And by extension, the same goes for PK. 27. It's 0%. So 26% is the last presidential election, didn't the president of Yoon Suk Yeol get quite a lot of votes in the TK region? Compared to that, it's almost halved. These parts are much more. And furthermore, it is only 10% in Seoul, Incheon, and the Gyeonggi metropolitan area. If you look inside beyond the simple 20%, this is quite problematic.

It can be seen as an indicator of a risk that it could soon fall to the 10% level, so if the ARS survey Realmeter, which we are talking about now, says 24.6 percent but in the early 20% range, it's a major crisis. The problem is that in the past, the government and the presidential office went together to sort this out, but now that the situation of conflict continues to be read back, this makes it impossible for the people to support the ruling party or the government. This is why President Yoon Suk Yeol should take this situation more seriously than anyone else. The public sentiment continues to issue warnings, so even the conservatives are saying much higher that they are not able to run the president's state affairs even though they are not detailed there.

[Anchor]
Let's look at the reason for the negative evaluation. Gallup survey on the reasons for positive and negative evaluations. Currently, the number one negative evaluation is Kim Gun-hee's problem at 15%, and the economy/people's livelihood/price is at 14%. Mrs. Kim Gun-hee's problem was the highest.

[Bae Jong Chan]
That's right. This is something I've been talking about.

[Anchor]
What leadership and policy alternatives do you think President Yoon Suk Yeol should show?

[Bae Jong Chan]
That's right. The most important thing here is to be aware of the sense of crisis. Desperate. Does President Yoon Suk Yeol really think this is a crisis? What's important to me is that if you look at the results of this poll, the people's power supporters are still not giving up on President Yoon Suk Yeol. a president who still needs to succeed So the TK sentiment is that I hope there will be a reversal somehow. The reason why I'm telling you this is that it hasn't completely collapsed, at least as much as TK right now. And in TK, people's support for power has been maintained to some extent. There is a strong perception that it is not only a representative effect of Han Dong-hoon, but that the president should not collapse. This is a combination of various negative factors such as the Kim Gun-hee controversy and the Myung Tae-kyun controversy.

So the important thing is that I am asking for a chance to turn around. But we've been explaining it through our time.Ma is a theory that mainly applies to business administration, but it is Oliver's theory of expectation disagreement. Despite last year's defeat in the by-election for the head of Gangseo-gu District Office in Seoul, the supporters survived, and I will support it. Even after this general election, I've waited a little bit. However, this part, where the so-called Yoonhan conflict does not go away even after the national convention, is likely to have been a catalyst for the departure from TK. Also, it would be nice if you could show the results of the survey by region and the results of the Gallup Korea survey. TK is also TK now, but I think the bigger crisis is in the metropolitan area. If Seoul is left helpless like this, the 2026 local elections are in serious crisis.

However, the area that led President Yoon Suk Yeol to the election in the last presidential election was Seoul, and it was around the Han River. However, even if you look at the results of this by-election, most of them are leaving the Seoul Metropolitan Office of Education election. So if I give you the first suggestion, of course, I'm sure you'll be doing it. But get the presidential office's data analysis team up and running quickly. Second, run a daily emergency meeting. The third is choice and focus strategy. There are medical conflicts and four reforms. In this state, the opposition party will not tolerate the Population Strategy Planning Department. I think that's why I need a choice and a focus strategy.

[Anchor]
I see. We've even looked at the president's approval rating. We continue to have political issues. Please show us the next keyword. Cho Eung-cheon, special advisor to the New Reform Party. He said he would propose an amendment, but the Democratic Party said that the special inspector promoted by representative Han was a political show and was pressuring him to approve the independent counsel law, but general manager Cho Eung-cheon said he would propose an amendment. Let's listen to it.

[Cho Eung-cheon / General Special Adviser of the New Reform Party (MBC Radio 'Kim Jong-bae's Attention'): It seems that the Democratic Party of Korea's special prosecutor proposal is not involved in the selection of the special prosecutor at all from the people's power, but with the Cho Kuk Innovation Party, the Progressive Party, and the Democratic Party. We took it out, too. It's this weird thing that even considers the elders to be automatically appointed if they don't appoint them within three days. For example, Sambu Construction stock price manipulation, I don't know how backed up it is, but once you say it, it just goes into the investigation. That's why there are 14 of them. It seems necessary to make an amendment by subtracting the contents that can be fair in the third-party independent counsel or the power of the people, and 'Hey, this is not right' from the investigation target.]

[Anchor]
Regarding the special prosecutor bill for Kim Gun-hee, Cho Eung-cheon, the head of the New Reform Party, is saying that the amendment will be submitted by the New Reform Party. Will the ruling and opposition parties pass it if the New Reform Party is released? How do you see it?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In my opinion, Lee Jun-seok was also discussed in the part of former lawmaker Cho Eung-cheon. Then, what do we talk about when we meet with CEO Han Dong-hoon and CEO Lee Jae-myung? We're talking about some issues, including the financial investment tax. For example, there are various issues such as sending troops to North Korea in Ukraine, but we have to talk in-depth about these issues. So, the special prosecution law that the Democratic Party of Korea has put forward is getting worse in a part led by several political parties, except for the power of the people, Chairman Han Dong-hoon said. If that's the case, it's not necessarily the amendment that former lawmaker Cho Eung-cheon is talking about, but the amendment is actually a third-party recommendation method. If so, the Democratic Party of Korea is trying to accept this on a grand scale, the approach is not led by the opposition party, but it is pushing the opposition party to continue to oppose any special prosecution law without coming up with anything that can be done fairly. Isn't the Democratic Party continuing to make it difficult for representative Han Dong-hoon to agree on that part?

[Anchor]
That's why representative Han Dong-hoon has insisted on a third-party special prosecutor's proposal, but the Democratic Party of Korea tells representative Han Dong-hoon to propose a third-party special prosecutor's proposal and presses him.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That doesn't make sense. They're leading the independent counsel law, so why don't you suddenly give it to the other party? Wouldn't the Democratic Party coordinate it if it heard the content and put it out there? So, in the end, in a situation where we cannot solve politics with politics and are only bragging about our power, we have no choice but to suspect that it is a different purpose in the end, despite the conditions that can be solved to solve this problem.

[Anchor]
What's the purpose?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
For example, aren't we continuing to make the president reject it through a re-decision with these political intentions, such as related to representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risks and bulletproof? I'm actually enjoying it. The president is not in line. In the end, the Democratic Party works so hard with the people, but the ruling party and the presidential office are completely opposite. In the end, it can only be seen as a political intention to build up the cause for impeachment. In the end, the Democratic Party of Korea is in a position of mind to implement the independent counsel law on its own. I find it difficult to agree on that.

[Anchor]
The Democratic Party proposed the third special prosecution bill for Mrs. Kim. But there are more suspicions, so there are 13 or 14 now. And the third-party special prosecutor is not the special prosecutor that Han Dong-hoon claimed. And I'm asking CEO Han Dong-hoon to propose a third-party independent counsel on his own, but he's not. How do you think this special counsel should be amended and proposed?

[Bae Jong Chan]
Apart from revising and proposing, the Special Counsel Act is not possible. Because it's not a matter of content difference. Therefore, it is not a matter of whether the content of the Special Prosecutor Act is a matter of perception or not. Is it acceptable or not? Professor Kim said something important just now, so is it for the opposition party to thoroughly investigate the truth? If it is to thoroughly investigate the truth, there is no reason for the Democratic Party to organize the contents more specifically. Just do it by a complete third party, no matter who it is. We'll just wait for it all, we'll wait for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, if the purpose is to find out the truth. However, because this is not the case, it is judged that this becomes a political offensive, and because of that nature, it is absolutely unacceptable to the President of Yoon Suk Yeol or the pro-Yoon side.

Why? This next step will push towards impeaching the president. Why? I don't know if the assembly is impeached, but the opposition party is holding a rally on November 2 to denounce Kim Gun-hee. To the first lady of the president. So, in this situation, former lawmaker Cho Eung-cheon talks about the amendment, but the reason why representative Han Dong-hoon is pushing for more special inspectors, not just an amendment but now, is that the special inspector has not created particular cooperation momentum to accept the special prosecution law, but the story of accepting it turns into a bright situation that the opposition party may welcome with both hands. That's something even CEO Han Dong-hoon can't choose. Therefore, the Special Prosecutor Act is not a matter of this attitude or content at all. It is difficult to take a step forward if it is a perception attitude, I think so.

[Anchor]
I see. Thank you very much. Let's look at the following keywords and solve more political issues. Please show us the next keyword. It's CEO Lee Jae-myung. We talked about reviewing regularization. Representative Lee said he would consider regularizing the dialogue between the ruling and opposition party leaders, telling representatives to look only at the people. We will listen to the voices of CEO Lee Jae-myung and CEO Han Dong-hoon today.

[Lee Jae-myung / Minjoo Party leader: The ruling and opposition parties' consultative body to promote common public livelihood commitments will be launched today. In addition to the common commitments made during the general election, bills to ease the pain of people's livelihoods will be discussed. I hope that bold fiscal measures for people's livelihoods will also be discussed. I hope that the leadership of the ruling and opposition parties will join forces for the people and the country starting with the launch of the people's livelihood consultative body. I would like to express my expectation once again that the representative meeting with representative Han Dong-hoon will be held as soon as possible. If necessary, we should consider regularizing the representatives of the ruling and opposition parties and regularizing dialogue. ]

[Han Dong-hoon / Representative of the People's Power: I would like to talk about the issues related to the launch of the ruling and opposition party council. Recently, the Democratic Party of Korea has been moving to take its foot out for any reason. I'm telling you that I'm disappointed. Now is the time to find a reason to start quickly instead of finding a reason why not. In addition, I would like to ask you to cooperate in the launch of the ruling-opposition parliamentary consultative body of the Democratic Party of Korea. ]

[Anchor]
Representative Lee Jae-myung will also consider regularizing the representative talks. I made a comment that pushed CEO Han Dong-hoon to go only to see the people.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It is desirable for the leaders of the ruling and opposition parties to meet frequently to discuss pending issues, but before saying that, I would like you to reflect on what has happened in the Korean parliament so far since the first round of talks. No matter how much we meet and talk, the legislation is flooded as soon as it's over. Can we meet again in that case? I've released a famous book called Exorcism. How can cooperation be achieved? It's a book called Evolution Cohortation, and at first, you have to cooperate with each other and then punish each other when they call each other Teetipotet. It is said that in reality, a long-term hustle and bust system can come, but this can be a repetitive game in a way. Regularization is a repetitive game, and repetitive games are possible when trust is established between the two parties. What's the point of regularization like that if we just meet and just talk about what they're talking about and end it? We have to calmly make some concessions on what the people demand, but after regularization, they don't give up at all, so how can we keep going?

[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea is set to hold a large-scale outdoor rally.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's why it's meaningful to do regularization while doing that. After meeting, don't they go out and hold a denunciation contest, talk about impeachment, talk about martial law? But how can the representative meet and solve this problem? However, there will be no conflict about promoting a common pledge. It may be good to open the door even a little bit by doing so, but isn't there something we need right now? Let's leave a little behind on very sensitive issues and show immediate cooperation on the part related to the ruling and opposition parties' agenda that representative Han Dong-hoon talked about. If you say you're going to solve the medical conflict by doing so, you can expect the next regularization as we build a trust relationship with each other, but if you don't have that...

[Anchor]
Many analysts are at odds with each other ahead of the ruling and opposition leaders' meeting. So a lot of people say that we think differently.

[Bae Jong Chan]
That's right. We have to make it our daily dream. So this method is literally about the form and the content that we need to get results. The performance will be regularized. Who wouldn't welcome this? It's so nice. a regular meeting of the leaders of the ruling and opposition parties Good. That's what I'm going to do. But the problem is that the content is really people's livelihood? I tilt my head here. And in terms of the National Assembly, representative Lee Jae-myung is in the majority. If so, you can make a proposal that CEO Han Dong-hoon can't refuse. What are those three suggestions? First, the abolition of financial investment income tax. Then CEO Han Dong-hoon cannot help but come out. The president of Yoon Suk Yeol is also a pledge. Moreover, I am in favour of amendments to the Department for Population Strategy. I will not hold the last large-scale outdoor rally. November 2nd. If we do this, it will not only be a regular meeting, but also a real meeting between the ruling and opposition parties.

[Anchor]
I see. This is the end of today's political issue. So far, I've been with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor of Bae Jae-dae, and Bae Jong-chan, head of Insight K Research Institute. Thank you.


○ Commissioning Agency: Energy Economy Newspaper
○ Survey agency: Realmeter
○ Survey target: 2,510 men and women aged 18 or older nationwide
○ Survey period: October 21-25, 2024 (for five days)
○ Survey method: Wireless (97%) wired (3%) automated response (ARS) telephone survey
○ Sample error: ±2.0%P (95% confidence level)

○ Commissioning Agency: Energy Economy Newspaper
○ Survey agency: Realmeter
○ Survey target: 1,004 men and women aged 18 or older nationwide
○ Survey period: October 24-25, 2024 (for two days)
○ Survey method: Wireless (97%) wired (3%) automated response (ARS) telephone survey
○ Sample error: ±3.1%P (95% confidence level)