[News Special Report] "Emergency martial law in the middle of the night" was lifted in 6 hours...What's the aftermath?

■ Host: Anchor Park Seok-won, Anchor Lee Se-na
■ Starring: Lim Ji-bong, professor at Sogang University School of Law, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Research Institute

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News Special] when quoting.

[Anchor]
The declaration of emergency martial law was lifted in six hours, but a strong aftermath continues. Let's go through the details together with the two of you. Professor Lim Ji-bong of Sogang University School of Law and Presidential Leadership Research Institute Choi Jin are with us. The martial law theory, which was dismissed as a conspiracy theory three months ago, has become a reality. How did you watch it?

[Imjibong]
It was a very sudden declaration of martial law. However, martial law is the president's right to emergency in order to overcome the extreme emergency in the country. Therefore, when martial law is declared, special measures can be taken against the people's freedom of press, publication, assembly association, and warrant system, so it must be exercised very carefully. Therefore, the contextual requirements for declaring martial law are stipulated in the Constitution or the Constitutional Amendment Act. However, in my view, it was an unconstitutional and illegal declaration of martial law that did not meet the requirements for the invocation of emergency martial law stipulated in the Constitution or the Constitutional Amendment Act.

[Anchor]
You said you didn't meet the situational requirements of declaring martial law, what do you think, director?

[Choi Jin]
First of all, I was surprised. It's called a surprise martial law declaration at night, and I've never received a phone call from a reporter and ordinary close acquaintances all night. I've been up all day. I think I should talk calmly about various procedural issues. If martial law is originally declared, wouldn't there be armored vehicles and armed soldiers on their way to work in the morning? However, seeing that it was quiet on the way here, there seems to be no public agitation at all, but I think the political aftermath will be tremendous.

[Anchor] The professor said earlier that it could be unconstitutional or illegal. Isn't it a situation that even the staff didn't expect? In particular, it is said that the Minister of Defense was the only one who suggested martial law to be issued, so how do you judge these procedures?

[Imjibong]
Article 2, Paragraph 6 of the Martial Law stipulates that the Minister of Defense or the Minister of Public Administration and Security can propose a declaration of martial law to the President through the Prime Minister if it meets the requirements for the invocation of martial law. However, this also presupposes that there is a situational requirement to declare martial law. However, what is stipulated as a situational requirement to declare martial law in the Constitution or martial law is, in short, a wartime incident or a national emergency equivalent thereto. Therefore, emergency martial law is declared only in such absolute cases when there is a conflict on the street, when the government or judicial function is significantly difficult due to extreme disruption in the state of war or social order, or when general administrative agencies cannot secure security due to disorder of order. Considering whether it was such a situation, martial law was declared in the absence of the situational requirements for the invocation of emergency martial law stipulated by the Constitution or martial law.

[Choi Jin]
As Professor Lim pointed out just now, the conditions for declaring martial law are wartime or rebellion, and isn't it the Ministry of National Defense and the Ministry of Public Administration and Security that are in charge of it? As you can see from the chapters of the two ministries, Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun and Public Administration Minister Lee Sang-min are people who have close relationships with the president of Yoon Suk Yeol, which is recognized by others. That may be why it was possible to declare an emergency martial law in strict secrecy. Otherwise, it's actually impossible. In declaring an emergency for the entire country, ministries and agencies involved in various fields must mobilize all of them to prepare closely in advance and then declare martial law. The president suddenly threw it, so martial law cannot be declared. That is why a rare emergency decree was declared. I think it is the first national declaration made in the most confidential manner since the real-name financial system of President Kim Young-sam in the past. Therefore, in a way, you expressed it as a controversy over illegality, but since then, controversy over illegality and impeachment seems to have been pouring out like a flood this morning.

[Anchor]
You two said that there are definitely procedural problems as well as situational requirements, but didn't Minister Kim Yong-hyun express this position that martial law does not fit the times at the previous confirmation hearing and that the military will not follow it?

[Imjibong]
It is now being reported in the media that it was confirmed that he proposed martial law to the president after saying so at the time. Then it's completely different from what the National Assembly said and actually proposed martial law to the president. And I think this may require the Minister of Defense to be held legally responsible in the future. Because as I said earlier in Article 2, Paragraph 6 of the Martial Law, the Minister of Defense says that he can propose declaring martial law to the President through the Prime Minister, but there is a clue. It is said that the reason for paragraph 2 or 3 occurs. Therefore, martial law can be proposed only when a national emergency equivalent to war or incident occurs. Anyone can see that if such a situation did not occur and martial law was proposed, the Minister of National Defense's martial law proposal itself would be a violation of Article 2, Paragraph 6 of the Martial Law.

[Anchor]
At that time, there was a conspiracy theory related to martial law, so a question was asked to the Minister of Defense at that time, and he said that it was not appropriate for the times at the time, but he even suggested it this time. I think there will be controversy over this, too.

[Choi Jin]
The situation was like this then, but I don't think the situation has changed now, actually. I think I've been thoroughly preparing since then. Didn't Rep. Kim Min-seok of the Democratic Party of Korea raise a fairly specific scenario at that time? However, it is impossible for all the panels on the media and TV. I asked what happened to martial law in the 21st century, but looking at it today, my prediction was quite right. And what Rep. Kim Min-seok said this morning was that he had already tried to do martial law several times, but he missed the timing. However, he predicted again that martial law is likely to be invoked after today. So, in conclusion, martial law was already thoroughly prepared in anticipation of the government shaking in many ways. However, I don't think this martial law will succeed. I don't think I predicted that it would succeed, but I think I did it for some political gain even though I failed.

[Anchor]
I would have declared it even though I expected it to fail. But if I ask you an additional question, some say it's President Yoon's alma mater. There was also a view that people from Chungam High School might have gathered and kissed on the declaration of martial law. How do you see it?

[Choi Jin]
There have been meetings in the official residence and several meetings, but even if it is quite doubtful, it is the first time in 45 years since martial law was announced in 1979. Kangsan's number 4 has changed, and I didn't think so. I think there must be something reasonably wrong with me, but from a common sense judgment, from a reasonable point of view, I said there could be no martial law, but it's so embarrassing and surprising that it's becoming a reality.

[Anchor]
When it comes to martial law, of course, it will not be unconditional, but isn't there a procedure for the martial law commander to appoint the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff? But this time, he appointed the army chief of staff. What do you think about these procedures?

[Lim Ji-bong]
There is an addition to martial law in the original Joint Chiefs of Staff. So the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the organization is in charge of martial law. Therefore, in the past, martial law commanders appointed the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, but this time, they bypassed the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and appointed the chief of the Army Staff. It's actually the appointment of a martial law commander that doesn't match the fact that there is a wealth about martial law within the Joint Chiefs of Staff and that the Joint Chiefs of Staff is in charge of martial law.

[Anchor]
There are suspicions that some referred to the DSC document in 2018, what do you think about this?

[Choi Jin]
So, all the suspicions have been raised in the past, but when I watched yesterday's TV broadcast, I thought that if martial law was declared, all arrests, detention, and confiscation could be done without a warrant, and all freedom of assembly association would be restricted, so I thought that this would be done not by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, but by a soldier with strong real power by the martial law commander.I didn't think so many times, but this situation happened.

[Anchor]
Many of you must have been surprised to see this kind of martial law in 2024. Let's take a second look at whether the declaration itself met the requirements. Earlier, the professors said that it is done in the event of a national emergency equivalent to the wartime situation, but President Yoon Suk Yeol mentioned this in his emergency statement yesterday. If you heard the reasons such as the impeachment of the opposition party, the passage of the budget bill, pro-North Korea, and the eradication of anti-state forces, and you thought subjectively that this was equivalent to the state of war, do you meet the requirements? What do you think?

[Imjibong]
Even if the president subjectively judged that this was a war, an incident, or a similar national emergency, he cannot declare martial law on the actions of the opposition party, such as subjectively frequent impeachment or budget cuts. Situational requirements are not determined by the subjectivity of the president, but are objective requirements that can be accepted by anyone. So in my view, what I see is probably objective. From the most objective perspective, the opposition party has impeached too often and cut the budget to force it to paralyze the function of the government right now, and is this a wartime incident or equivalent national emergency? It's hard to see it like that. Objectively, from anyone's perspective. Therefore, I'm saying that it doesn't meet the contextual requirements of martial law as stipulated by the Constitution or martial law.

[Choi Jin]
It's about who makes that judgment, but as I just said, wouldn't the political community judge it? And the second is the people and the judiciary. The professor is already a member of the people, and so am I.Ma doesn't think that this is legal, this is enough to declare martial law, to be honest. And second, if there is a dispute between the ruling and opposition parties in politics, the situation will be different. The declaration of martial law may have a reasonable basis. However, both Han Dong-hoon, the representative of People's Power, and Lee Jae-myung have concluded that this is unconstitutional, illegal, and illegal. And since we are already in the process of rebellion, the conclusion has already been made on this part, and finally, the judiciary's judgment is left, isn't it? Only the judiciary's judgment is left, but as all media, civic groups and foreign media are moving toward a problem this morning, I think the judiciary is likely to conclude in the direction of unconstitutionality and illegality. Then, I don't think there's much to say about the huge aftermath.

[Anchor]
What do you think is the reason why President Yoon made this choice despite the strong aftermath of economic relations and the stock market?

[Choi Jin]
First of all, I think there are two things. One is, won't the Special Prosecutor's Act of Kim Gun-hee be re-voted at the National Assembly in a week? Then, given the recent atmosphere, there is no exit for the ruling camp in a situation where it is bound to be approved. Then one of the ways that we've used in the past is to shake the board. It's a big shake of the board to divert attention, and this is the strategy of this court in the words of the body. It's shaking up the game. Secondly, when martial law fails, the president becomes quite difficult, and the ruling camp becomes difficult, we can expect the effect of uniting hard-line supporters in the crisis. So I think I didn't expect these two extreme prescriptions, but I would say that personally, the effect is almost minimal or likely to be counterproductive.

[Anchor]
We saw the situation during the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye.Ma Impeachment, what kind of procedure should I go through?

[Imjibong]
Impeachment is prosecuted by the National Assembly and the subsequent impeachment hearing and decision of the Constitutional Court. It consists of two steps like this. In the case of the president, in order to prosecute the impeachment, a majority of the members of the National Assembly propose the impeachment, and then at least two-thirds of the members of the National Assembly approve it to prosecute the impeachment in the case of the president. It is the highest quorum. The next time you go to the Constitutional Court, if more than six constitutional judges approve of impeachment after the hearing, the president will be removed from the presidency through the decision to cite impeachment.

[Anchor]
It is difficult to pass the impeachment bill immediately with the number of seats of the Democratic Party, but then don't we need the consent of some lawmakers of the People's Power? How do you view this in the current situation?

[Choi Jin]
I think the problem will take a long time to go through the normal procedure you just mentioned. So the Democratic Party is discussing ways to shorten the term of office apart from the impeachment motion, closely. I don't know what that is, but I think the ruling and opposition parties are discussing it together and are now looking for various ways to prevent the president of Yoon Suk Yeol from fulfilling his term.

[Anchor]
Do you think the power of the people will agree with you?

[Choi Jin]
I've already said a lot of my consent. under discussion of impeachment proceedings To be precise, I think that close lawmakers are joining it together.

[Anchor]
Floor spokesman Kang Yoo-jung said, "If the impeachment bill is rushed as much as possible, I will propose it today. And I also said that I can report it tomorrow and decide in 24 hours. The Democratic Party of Korea is also considering whether to apply the crime of rebellion. What's the crime of rebellion?

[Imjibong]
In Article 87 of the Criminal Code, those who riot for the purpose of repenting the country or disrupting the national constitution become rebellion criminals. The court sentence is very high for civil war. If you are tasked with an important task such as participating in a water monster or conspiracy, you can be sentenced to death, life imprisonment, and imprisonment for more than five years. It's a very serious crime that's up to five years in prison, but usually even the death penalty and weapons. However, did the court convict the new military in the Chun Doo-hwan era of oppressing the May 18 Democratic Movement in connection with the crime of rebellion? At that time, what I heard as the basis for the rebellion was that the new military, including Chun Doo-hwan, also put up an emergency martial law and prevented the National Assembly from discussing martial law, obstructing it. It made it impossible for a constitutional institution called the National Assembly to perform its power, and it was said that it constituted a rebellion because it was rioting for the purpose of disrupting the national constitution. Therefore, in this case, if it is likely to be based on media reports, martial law forces blocked lawmakers from entering the National Assembly. And martial law forces reportedly broke the window, stormed into the National Assembly, and then tried to get into the plenary hall. In addition, according to the Democratic Party of Korea's claim, there are claims that the opposition leader or the speaker of the National Assembly was under arrest, so they were planning to arrest and detain him. If even that is true, this could be a crime of rebellion. This is a crime of rebellion, even if it follows the precedent of the conviction of the new military on May 18 because it has made it impossible for the constitutional institution of the National Assembly to exercise its power.

[Anchor]
If you look at the situation at the time, some lawmakers might go over the wall because martial law forces blocked it, and lawmaker Lee Joon-seok couldn't go in at all, right? How did you see these situations?

[Choi Jin]
As you just said, the fact that armed soldiers have almost entered the main office in the National Assembly is a part that cannot be understood in common sense and is legally problematic. Since it's late at night. I heard that soldiers are special forces. So, I think these things, such as night vision goggles and breaking windows, will be enough legal disputes due to various legal controversies. So, even CEO Han Dong-hoon rarely directly talks about the crimes of rebellion, but I think he will continue to bring judicial proceedings to illegal and illegal protests. In terms of the power of the people, 18 people have already left the resolution to lift martial law, right? That number of 18 people is a number that can be passed if the Special Prosecutor's Act of Kim Gun-hee is proposed a week later. So I think the government of Yoon Suk Yeol is heading towards a number of judicial and political worst catastrophes.

[Anchor]
Professor, you can't investigate the president unless you're guilty of rebellion. Is there a law like this?

[Imjibong]
Article 84 of the Constitution cannot be prosecuted against the president in office. In other words, isn't the president's privilege of fluoridation defined as a privilege? However, the article also says that we cannot prosecute the incumbent president except for cases of civil war or foreign exchange crimes. So, if Yoon Suk Yeol's declaration of martial law or the illegal suppression of lawmakers by martial law forces is found to be true and can be a crime of rebellion, even if you are serving as president, you will not be subject to the privilege of fluoridation. So, the prosecution and others can also investigate the president, and if necessary, the prosecutor can apply and obtain a warrant issued by a judge to arrest and detain him. You can also prosecute them and put them on trial. Even though you are a sitting president, it is possible. Because there is a charge of rebellion.

[Anchor]
When martial law is declared in a situation that is usually wartime or equivalent to wartime, isn't there something like this, whether martial law troops go to the telecommunications industry or the media to protect or take control of that part? Then why did you go to the National Assembly?

[Choi Jin]
First of all, the National Assembly has been defined as an anti-state power organization, so the National Assembly must first block everything and suspend its activities. And the most important thing is, doesn't the National Assembly adopt a resolution to lift martial law? Then we have to vote at the plenary session anyway. Then, if lawmakers are blocked from entering the plenary session, then martial law can be maintained without being voted on. So I predicted a lot of things like that at first. Martial law can be maintained for a considerable period of time if they have actually completely blocked lawmakers from entering the National Assembly. However, lawmakers will enter the Capitol as soon as possible, and it is actually a mystery, but I'm also curious about why soldiers failed to completely block lawmakers from entering the Capitol. So it was a surprise in two hours because I went in. If you blocked it early and the lawmakers couldn't enter the plenary hall, what do you think, professor? Isn't martial law enough to be maintained? Or, if you completely block it in the long run, can martial law actually be maintained for a considerable period of several days?

[Anchor]
So, considering the scenario that martial law cannot be lifted, what would have happened today?

[Imjibong]
I don't even want to think about such a scenario. It's a terrible situation. And what I want to say more about that is that the president just called the National Assembly an anti-state force, so he sent martial law troops to the National Assembly, which is actually the most obvious violation of the Constitution. Because Article 77 (3) of our Constitution says that when emergency martial law is declared, special measures can be taken against the authority of the government or court. Nothing can be done about the power of the National Assembly. That's why Chun Doo-hwan and others were even guilty of rebellion because they tried to undermine the power of the National Assembly by imposing emergency martial law.

[Anchor]
Then locking the door of the National Assembly and preventing it from entering the National Assembly itself.

[Lim Ji-bong]
It is unconstitutional in itself. The act itself is unconstitutional. According to media reports, if the martial law commander's decree announced last night suggests that the National Assembly and other political activities are prohibited, but as I just said, even the martial law commander cannot touch the authority of the National Assembly under the emergency rule, according to the constitutional provisions. However, the decree itself is unconstitutional because it is prohibited from political activities of lawmakers.

[Anchor]
But what I'm curious about is that President Yoon is a former legal professional, so there's no way he didn't know that. What do you think about that?

[Imjibong]
Well, I won't answer that.

[Choi Jin]
Earlier, the professor said that blocking the National Assembly itself is a violation of the Constitution. There is no clear regulation for that part. It's possible to interpret it that way. That's why I think that's controversial. However, if I ask you repeatedly, if you blocked the National Assembly and prevented the resolution to lift martial law from passing, I'm telling you that the situation could flow in a completely different direction and could be prolonged. You agree with that, don't you?

[Imjibong]
I agree with you. If 190 members of the National Assembly went into the plenary hall and proposed a request for lifting martial law and prevented the process of passing it with the approval of the majority of the members, it would be a very obvious and profound unconstitutional act.

[Anchor]
When President Yoon saw the contents of the statement in the process of declaring martial law, he criticized a lot about the impeachment of the Board of Audit and Inspection and the impeachment of the prosecutor. In a way, they were concerned about the situation in which the inspection agency was paralyzed, but if they look at the current situation, wouldn't they have come to a situation where Yongsan is paralyzed from a situation where all the presidential chief-level staff have expressed their intention to resign?

[Choi Jin]
I think so. First of all, the staff didn't know the martial law itself, so there was no way to respond. On the day of yesterday's announcement, all the staff have already left work. And since all the senior secretaries left work, they didn't know anything about it, so of course, they can't respond. As of today, I think the Yongsan staff office is empty and empty. But if the presidential staff is vacant, isn't all the relevant ministries the relevant ministries? Isn't the ministry also letting go? So I think politics seems to be running on the surface, but internally, I think that the administration, the policy of politics, the work, the people's livelihood, is actually an all-stop, emergency so far today. And the most unfortunate and scary thing for me is that as you know these days, the economy is closely related to the international economy, and now I think it's really being hit hard by the image and national credibility of Korea.

[Anchor]
I see. In the meantime, the Secretary-General has a press conference at the Secretariat of the National Assembly. Let's hear from the National Assembly Secretariat.

[Kim Min Gi / Secretary-General of the National Assembly]
From 23:48 on Dec. 3 to 01:18 on Dec. 4, the Ministry of National Defense sent about 230 armed martial law soldiers into the compound of the National Assembly through 24 helicopters.

At 00:40, more than 50 martial law soldiers were sent over the fence outside the National Assembly.

Armed martial law forces attempted to enter the Capitol through the Capitol Jeongyeon Hall and the rear information room,

At 00:34 on December 4, he broke through the glass of the office on the second floor of the Capitol and stormed into the Capitol using physical force.

The National Assembly did its best to prevent their illegal intrusion and passed a resolution calling for the lifting of emergency martial law at the plenary session of the National Assembly at 01:00 on December 4.

Chairman Woo Won-sik strongly demanded the withdrawal of martial law forces, saying that martial law is invalid due to the resolution to lift martial law at the National Assembly, and all martial law forces began withdrawing at 01:11 and withdrew from the National Assembly grounds at 02:03.

After declaring martial law, the National Assembly was illegally closed, and the declaration of emergency martial law hurt the people's hearts by mobilizing military forces to crush the National Assembly, as it was not enough to illegally block lawmakers who wanted to attend the National Assembly as prescribed by the Constitution and law.

Starting today, the National Assembly Secretariat has banned defense officials and police officers from entering the National Assembly building.

It is an urgent measure to protect the safety of lawmakers and to secure the functions of the National Assembly.

The Secretariat of the National Assembly will thoroughly identify the physical damage and losses caused by the martial law declaration and hold legal responsibility for illegal acts until the end.

The Secretariat will continue to expedite the necessary measures to protect the National Assembly and protect lawmakers in the future.

The National Assembly Secretariat has decided to release the entire CCTV containing the illegal activities of martial law forces as a public right to know about the unprecedented illegal activities in which martial law forces broke the window of the National Assembly building and stormed into the front of the National Assembly's plenary session.

I'll show you a little bit here.

[Anchor]
This is the National Assembly Secretariat.

It seems that Kim Min-ki, secretary-general of the National Assembly, explained in detail what happened last night and even prepared a screen at that time.

[Anchor]
CCTV footage related to the intrusion into the plenary session hall will be released to the entire public. I'm going out right now.

[Anchor]
Secretary-General Kim Min-ki is showing the martial law army trying to enter the National Assembly.

[Anchor]
According to a brief, there were explanations that the Ministry of National Defense entered 24 helicopters and 230 armed martial law troops.

[Anchor]
There was also a scene where I broke the window and went in. I showed it to you earlier. And in the situation where martial law troops are entering, reporters are also following while turning on the lights. And there was a scene where the staff of the National Assembly also tried to block it, but I think the National Assembly Secretariat probably showed this screen. Is there a reason why I had to break the window and enter the National Assembly after breaking the window?

[Choi Jin]
That's why I'm curious, too. The important reason is that if it is not for the purpose of arresting lawmakers or blocking the plenary session, frankly, there is no need to go that far. Also, the military is an armed special forces unit, but it's not speeding, but confronting the employees inside, hitting, pushing, and sweet. So it was hard for me to understand in common sense because I felt like I was intentionally producing the opposite effect of not actually achieving my goal and showing only a very strange, ugly image to the people.

[Anchor]
There was a statement to the effect that I would hold legal responsibility for the illegal content of last night in the briefing of the National Assembly Secretariat, but looking at the current series of processes, what can we point out about unconstitutional possessions?

[Imjibong]
I told you earlier.Ma violates Article 77 (1) of the Constitution, which stipulates the situational requirements of martial law, because martial law was declared, not a wartime incident or a similar national emergency. And it violates Article 2, Paragraph 2 of the Martial Law, which stipulates the same situational requirements. In addition, the provisions of the procedure were violated. In order for the President to declare martial law, it must be deliberated by the State Council under Article 89-5 of the Constitution. Article 89 No. 5 stipulates that martial law and its lifting should be subject to prior deliberation by the State Council. Therefore, it should have gone through a cabinet meeting before declaring martial law, but so far, it has not been confirmed that martial law has been declared after a cabinet meeting. If martial law was declared without a cabinet meeting, it would also violate Article 89-5 of the Constitution.

[Anchor]
And I'm curious, aren't there any of our armed commanders who moved after receiving instructions as if they were on the screen? There will be police officers who use physical force, break office glass over the fence outside the National Assembly, and illegally block lawmakers. Can there be legal punishment for them as well?

[Im Ji-bong]
Depending on the degree of participation, if President Yoon is charged with rebellion, tried, and convicted, he can be an accomplice of rebellion. It depends on the degree of participation.E. Last night, CEO Han Dong-hoon told government employees, soldiers, and police not to follow illegal instructions from superiors, we will protect them. If you know it's an illegal instruction, it can be an accomplice. That's why officials, soldiers, and police told us not to follow illegal instructions because we will protect them, so it was also a kind of warning message not to participate in it because it was an illegal martial law declaration and the control of the National Assembly.

[Anchor]
According to the opinions of some lawmakers who tried to enter the National Assembly, isn't there a stir between the police and martial law forces at the scene?

[Choi Jin]
It's probably enough to do that. However, in order to eliminate such agitation, two measures must be taken against martial law, but I don't understand that this has not been taken. For example, didn't the president declare martial law for now? And if the president declared martial law with the cause that he did to fight anti-state organizations, eradicate pro-North Korean forces, and protect the constitutional order, didn't President Yoon have his own agony and concerns? When you make a declaration, two things follow right away. One is the military chief Park Wan-soo, who has a martial law commander. Ministers of ministries involved should talk specifically about what to do with this measure and at the same time. For example, the minister of defense, the minister of executive affairs, then the minister of justice, the minister of foreign affairs, and the ministers of the four ministries usually come out to explain to the people why they had to make this declaration inevitable and ask for cooperation, which is usually martial law. The martial law commander and four ministers from related ministries. But why do the people do it from the perspective of the people because there is no format at all? What's the point of doing this? It's a situation where you've been puzzled by the president's comprehensive expression of anger. Therefore, it is difficult to gain the persuasive power of the ruling and opposition politicians and strong supporters. So I feel like the procedures from the beginning to the end of the martial law announced by the president and all the forms and all of these parts were so unprepared and suddenly made. Martial law itself has been prepared for a long time, but it is so sudden and clunky in terms of content and form that there are many shortcomings, so I think there will be much more illegal and illegal demonstrations.

[Anchor]
Mr. President, there was a vote on the resolution to lift the emergency martial law at the National Assembly at dawn. Here, 18 lawmakers voted in favor of the people's power, and floor leader Choo Kyung-ho and others said they did not participate in the vote. What do you think of this situation?

[Choi Jin]
I think the martial law incident has already divided the close and the pro-Yoon system more clearly and entered a confrontation phase. Most of the 18 people are close. And Choo Kyung-ho, pro-Yoon-gye lawmakers, rather gathered toward the company and did not intervene quite systematically this time. This part is raising a lot of issues in the media. This quite problematic martial law was declared, but pro-Yoon-gye lawmakers were criticized for evading and avoiding the martial law lifting vote as if they were agitated and agreeing.

[Anchor]
Earlier, the professor said that it needs to be reviewed by the State Council, and this part needs to be confirmed, but there are some reports that the State Council deliberated and discussed it with some members of the State Council. However, when martial law was declared, we discussed it with some members of the State Council, but when the National Assembly voted on the lifting of martial law, wasn't it delayed because the meeting was not called? What do you think about this?

[Imjibong]
The illegality can also be controversial. Because Article 11, Paragraph 1 of the Martial Law stipulates that if the National Assembly demands the lifting of martial law, the President shall lift martial law without delay and announce it. But the Cabinet meeting couldn't be called right now, so it was held late at night. I'm waiting for the reason that it didn't work.Ma understands that the National Assembly passed a demand for the lifting of martial law around 1 a.m. And I understand that the president lifted martial law at 4:30 p.m. Then, there is a time gap of about 3 and a half hours in the middle. Did it really accept the National Assembly's demand for the lifting of martial law without delay? So the question remains whether it does not violate Article 11, Paragraph 1 of the Martial Law.