The Constitutional Court's 'Yoon Impeachment Trial' is in full swing...The 27th of the first hearing.

■ Host: anchor Yoon Bori, anchor Cho Jin-hyuk
■ Starring: Kim Ki-heung, former deputy spokesman for the presidential office, Park Sung-min, former presidential secretary for youth

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News UP] when quoting.

[Anchor]
The Constitutional Court has designated the date of preparation for the first hearing of the "President Yoon's impeachment trial" as the 27th and has begun full-fledged hearing work.

The Constitutional Court has said it will hear the case first. Let's continue to take a closer look at the relevant content. Kim Ki-heung, a deputy spokesman for the former presidential office, and Park Sung-min, a former presidential youth secretary, are here. Please come in.

The impeachment trial of President Yoon will begin in earnest next week. Constitutional Judge Chung Hyung-sik was appointed as the referee, and it is called a random dividend, and unfortunately, the person nominated by President Yoon himself was chosen as the referee. How do you see it?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Because it's an electronic dividend, it's a fair dividend. However, as you said, the judge appointed and appointed by the president coincidentally took over as the referee. In the legal profession, there is an evaluation of this person as a conservative and a principleist. I don't know if this person's tendency is right through the ruling, but if you look at who he is, he was sentenced to prison in the first trial when he manipulated state affairs regarding Samsung Electronics Chairman Lee Jae-yong. However, there was a suspension of execution in the appeal trial, which can be called a political case, but in my view, it is a political case in the opposition party, but it is actually illegal political funds, so former Prime Minister Han Myung-sook was not guilty in this part, but there was a case where she was sentenced to prison in the appeal trial. It is pointed out that the opposition party can make a partisan decision because of that. Most of all, it's not just one person doing it, right?

The Constitutional Court has six members now, and the nine-member system will be completed next year. It is unlikely that he will be biased to one side because what he can do is actually draft and ask questions during public hearings, but even if he has biased thoughts and rulings, it is an excessive concern because it can be corrected through the remaining eight members.

[Anchor]
Acting Constitutional Court Chief Justice Moon Hyung-bae also said that who the chief judge is does not affect the trial. Let me ask this question to the secretary as well. Isn't this also controversial after the martial law that Constitutional Judge Chung Hyung-sik is known to be the deputy head of the new Truth and Reconciliation Committee appointed by President Yoon on the 6th? What do you think?

[Park Sungmin]
So, President Yoon Suk Yeol paid attention because he was one of the people who exercised his personnel rights after martial law ended in failure, but the appointment of former lawmaker Park Sun-young as chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Committee itself went all the way to the Constitutional Court trial and thought that the situation itself was in mind. No matter how conservative the referee is and how appointed he is by President Yoon Suk Yeol, the issues related to this issue, the president's illegal martial law and alleged crimes of rebellion, are so clear that no matter what kind of inclination or influence of the appointee, it will be difficult to have a significant impact.

And there are already so many certain things and certain revelations that I personally don't think can be a big variable, that the case itself is more clear and concise than the impeachment of President Park Geun Hye in the past. So I don't think these things will be done that will cause great concern to the people in this area.

[Anchor]
Amid a mixture of concerns and expectations, the Constitutional Court seems to be determined to speed up the process. You set the first hearing date at 2 p.m. on the 27th of next week, right?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Eight years ago, the time table is similar to the impeachment before the Park Geun Hye. The preparation date has been set. It's set to be done at 2 p.m. on the 27th of this month. The actual argument will be made from next year. So, what the opposition party is concerned about is the six-member system, but it is possible to judge that it can be heard within the six-member system in the Constitutional Court. However, if even one of the six-member systems opposes it, it can be rejected, not cited. Under such circumstances, isn't the opposition party actively mentioning two to three members of the National Assembly for the constitutional nine-member system? In that regard, the Prime Minister, now the acting Prime Minister, may say to the acting Prime Minister, do this quickly. However, as the hearing schedule is set, I think that it will be passed without much difficulty and that there will be an intensive hearing in the nine-member system from next year.

[Anchor]
I wonder what the secretary thinks of this. Hasn't President Yoon Suk Yeol declared himself that he will stand up and not avoid legal or political responsibility? There is also a possibility of a direct defense in the impeachment trial, so what do you think about this?

[Park Sungmin]
Actually, there's no duty to attend. However, I think there is a possibility that he will attend as he has been actively expressing his will to take legal action. I'll have to wait and see if he'll make his own argument.E. Just by being present even though you are not obligated to be there, you can examine various issues as a means of expressing your will toward constitutional judges or using your presidential position to put political pressure on them. President Yoon Suk Yeol seems to be working with the will to fight against all odds. Looking at it, I don't think we can rule out the possibility as we can request live broadcasts or plead in person, and all possibilities are open.

[Kim Gi-heung]
To tell you what I said, there were allegations of accusations during the election in the past. At that time, the opposition party actively raised the issue. The candidate didn't have a schedule at the time. But he said he would do his calling, so he went to the National Assembly. So what I said at the press conference was, call me in the National Assembly. I'll answer everything. However, since then, the opposition party has not been able to actively raise the issue of the accusation. So, in the end, the presidential style of Yoon Suk Yeol has a adventurous temperament to compete head-on when an issue arises. From that point of view, in particular, since martial law is defined as a constitutional decision and a high level of political governance, I think it will be very effective in authenticity and strategy to talk about this directly with your own mouth on the spot rather than through other lawyers.

[Anchor]
We need to wait and see whether President Yoon will attend, but the Constitutional Court has a six-member system. The Constitutional Court has made such a judgment that there is no problem with the six-member system, but the Democratic Party seems to be rushing to recommend three people for the National Assembly, right?

[Park Sungmin]
That's right. Originally, the Democratic Party's position was to hold a three-day hearing on the 18th and then finalize the selection process at the plenary session on the 30th. The Democratic Party of Korea recommended two people and recommended one person as a share of the people's power. So, only the process can be carried out at the National Assembly, but there are many things to be said in a situation where the people's power is so chaotic, and some lawmakers also said that the process of appointing constitutional judges should be delayed.

Considering this situation, the Democratic Party of Korea even has the alternative of recommending and appointing even two people recommended by the Democratic Party if their share of the people's power cannot be passed properly. Anyway, I think we should make up for the shortcomings of this system as much as possible as possible since we are judges who have to deal with such a serious issue and impeachment of the president, and even if it is possible to hear it with a six-member system, isn't there a legal flaw or raised by the president of Yoon Suk Yeol later? Or, because the system itself is uncertain, it can come out in a way that this judgment cannot be respected, so it seems natural to speed up to improve the system's flaws.

[Anchor]
And both the Joint Investigation Headquarters and the prosecution are now asking President Yoon Suk Yeol to appear or summon him. However, President Yoon Suk Yeol continues to respond to the stage. What is the atmosphere of the president of Yoon Suk Yeol right now?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Isn't the constitution and investigation similar in a way? The key is how to apply the crime of rebellion. However, in a statement on the morning of the 12th, the president defined it as an act of governance made amid the inevitability and urgency of his martial law. Then, in this regard, I thought I was an object that could not receive a judicial foundation, so from this point of view, I think I want to speak out at the Constitutional Court in a big frame. Isn't this an act of governance in the space of the Constitution rather than taking one's position through the prosecution or the police's investigation into the summons?
So I think there is a desire to speak out from there whether there is a serious violation of the law or an unconstitutional act.

In reality, in terms of defense strategies, there have been cases where former Minister Kim Yong-hyun and National Police Agency Commissioner Jo Ji-ho have been arrested while being investigated. Then, of course, since I'm the president, I don't know how much possibility there is, but I think there are also concerns about that. That's why the president declared martial law to defend against various suspicions raised by the media and opposition parties one by one, but shouldn't he check the series of situations himself? If so, I think about whether I will summon the defense logic in a specific state of defense logic and what I know and communication with lawyers.

[Anchor]
As you said, when President Yoon was summoned for the first time, the defense team had not yet been formed, and he refused for this reason. Right now, the defense team's face is being known one after another. It is known that Kim Hong-il, former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, is the representative and there are many people from the prosecution. The lawyers are expected to announce their position later today. Which position will it be?

[Park Sungmin]
Perhaps the president will announce a position of logic very similar to the second public statement. I think I will focus on this part that declaring martial law was the legitimate president's rule and that the president could judge. As we have already discussed numerous times, President Yoon Suk Yeol's declaration of emergency martial law does not meet the requirements and is procedurally flawed, even though there were various situations in which he tried to paralyze the National Assembly's power in the first place to prevent the meeting from taking place in the National Assembly, which is why he tried to stop the attempt to lift martial law by force. So even if the defense sends a message that follows the president's second public statement, I think it will not have a significant impact.

[Anchor]
The deputy spokesperson previously said that he was showing the demand for attendance by the prosecution or police as a strategic response. However, some point out that President Yoon Suk Yeol may choose an investigative agency to attend because the investigative agencies are confused. How do you see this? Rather than choosing

[Kim Ki-heung]
, we are not investigating the existence of our investigative agency, whether it is the prosecution, the police, or the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. That's why, as some of the opposition parties are concerned, they are investigated more comfortably and advantageously because they were former prosecutors. That's definitely not the case. Didn't the opposition party say that? They say it is a hound of the regime, but the media says it has actually become a hyena from the public's point of view. Don't you think so because it seems like power has been tilted?

From the prosecution's point of view, if the investigation is not done well this time, the Democratic Party of Korea will eliminate the prosecution organization itself, right? Then the organizational logic is strengthened very much. We need to protect it, and I don't think we will investigate too much and less to highlight our presence as an investigative agency through this investigation. However, from the president's point of view, there is an advantage when prosecuting. It's valid for 20 days when a warrant is issued. However, if you go to the prosecution, it will be on the 20th, but if you investigate the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, you can do it on the 10th, and if you From that point of view, if you do it through your own defense logic, can't it be shorter to do it while you're in custody? I think we can use such a strategy.

[Anchor]
We are investigating now with our fate at the risk of our fate.

However, many of the Democratic Party of Korea say that since President Yoon was the head of the prosecution, it would be advantageous for President Yoon to go to the prosecution.

[Park Sungmin]
There was already a lot of distrust in the prosecution, and during the prosecution's investigation this time, there were many doubts about whether it could target President Yoon. However, the current situation clearly exists in the investigation even physically, and the suspects are rather advantageous because of overlapping investigations and competitive investigations. There is a point that you can shop for so-called investigative agencies, so I think we need to resolve this confusion quickly. So, if you look at it now, the investigation headquarters of the police, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and the investigation headquarters of the Ministry of National Defense have been set up, and only the prosecution seems to be separated. Right now, the airlift is continuously requesting it. I'm asking the prosecution to transfer the case.

Now, the police have transferred all the investigations related to President Yoon, and only the prosecution remains. I think the prosecution is also seriously considering it. The important part is that it can provide the suspect's defense logic, the current confusion of the investigation. Because even in the case of former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, the prosecution does not have direct authority to investigate the crime of rebellion, and the defense logic is being conducted in this way, saying, "Isn't it illegal to collect evidence or investigation conducted like this?" There is a point like this, so I think it is essential to quickly transfer to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit until the special prosecution is launched.

[Kim Gi-heung]
What I said is that the adjustment of the prosecution and police investigation rights, that is, because the Moon Jae In government has done so, and the Democratic Party has done so, there is a result of confusion. From that point of view, even if they did it with good intentions at that time, there was some political aspect. In a way, the current confusion is that the Democratic Party of Korea is trying to weaken the prosecution's excessive investigation function, which has caused confusion.

[Park Sungmin]
I don't think that's what the prosecution has to do if it doesn't act like a monkey. For example, the police arrested the intelligence commander, a key suspect, but the prosecution did not approve this part. In this way, the prosecution apparently went too far despite the fact that there is a police organization with direct investigation authority in the current situation because the prosecution wants to prove the significance of the organization's existence rather than being faithful to the purpose of the investigation agency. Therefore, in the current situation, I think it is right to transfer according to the procedure as the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit stepped up and made a request.

[Anchor]
Let's move on to Jungkook. Chairman Han Dong-hoon eventually resigned from his position as party leader. It was an inevitable choice due to the resignation of the supreme council member. How did you hear the contents of the conference when you revealed this message?

[Kim Gi-heung]
It's a sad situation. From the former representative Han Dong-hoon's point of view, I block martial law according to the public's perspective and public sentiment in the face of martial law, and I live highly in that part. The power of the people does not advocate or support martial law itself. However, impeachment cannot be the only answer in the process of resolving the post-martial law political situation. However, the party leader may have thoughts. But isn't the process called party theory? One person is the party leader, but we should respect the discourse that the impeachment was rejected as a result of a parliamentary assembly made by collective intelligence rather than your own thoughts. If you don't think you're right, you have to persuade him. There is a regret in the process of persuasion, and most of all, I think representative Han Dong-hoon's current situation is a political responsibility. Just because he became the president of martial law and impeachment, he was the only one who held Han Dong-hoon politically responsible because he was the party leader rather than the problem.

However, after the impeachment was passed, he said that in front of the lawmakers at the general meeting of the lawmakers. Did I do martial law or did I vote? Would it be said that the lawmakers at the scene exploded emotionally in response to such a reaction? There's that part. At the meeting, Supreme Council member Jang Dong-hyuk expressed his opinion of resignation, so in the past, Chin-yoon said, "Isn't he removing former CEO Han Dong-hoon with vulgar language?" But his close opinion also expressed that he was disappointed in CEO Han Dong-hoon's leadership. Isn't CEO Han Dong-hoon a very important asset of the people's power? And even when he leaves, he made it clear that he would not betray the people, and that the spirit of conservatism is no different from the approval of impeachment, so it does not exist, but he can continue to strengthen his presence. I'm continuing to express my position through SNS. So, I think that if the early presidential election is held at the right time, I will speak out even louder.

[Anchor]
As former representative Han Dong-hoon is under heavy fire within the power of the people, there is even a story of a traitor. Former lawmaker Yoo Seung Min said, "Who betrays who, are we gang members?" He said this. How did you like it?

[Park Sungmin]
I think the power of the people is trying to get over this phase in a very abnormal way. The people already saw the night of the president's illegal declaration of martial law and saw all the military and police entering the National Assembly, but the people's power seems to be searching for those who voted for impeachment as traitors. It's going completely the opposite of public sentiment. So someone is saying that they don't seem to have learned anything from the trauma of impeachment of the Park Geun Hye in the past. I'm so caught up in that impeachment trauma that I even think it's kind of aggressive. If you look at it now, the first thing that should come out of the power of the people, not when it's time to find out like this, is the position of sorry to the people. Until now, our people have not received an apology properly. President

also came out and emphasized the legitimacy and urgency of martial law he declared, but failed to make a sincere apology to the people. Therefore, what the people's power should do now is not an attempt to find people who have different thoughts from them and lock up lawmakers close to the traitor theory, but what should be done now is to apologize in an orderly manner and properly deal with it, and the people's power seems to be unable to recognize the crisis or reality at all, which is very worrisome to the other party.

[Anchor]
CEO Han Dong-hoon expressed this message to the fans who came out to see him off. Let's take a look at the video.

There were some supporters who cried as if they had seen it in person. As you said now, CEO Han Dong-hoon will step down from the front line for now, but he will continue to show his presence in the future. You made a prediction. So one day, he will make a political comeback again, and at this time, the possibility of joining hands with representative Lee Joon-seok is also being raised. How do you see the possibility of
?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Rep. Lee Joon-seok made a gesture. But if there is an early presidential election, it is clear. There is such criticism from the people about President Yoon Suk Yeol, but if so, there are many people who think that representative Lee Jae-myung still has judicial risks and problems when there is an early presidential election. There's Lee Jae-myung Phobia. Isn't there nothing you can't do if you become the president from the stage of Yeosoya University wearing a ring like this? CEO Lee Jae-myung makes a very centrist gesture, but didn't he do that in the past? When I said I respected former President Park Geun Hye, he thought I really respected him. And isn't there a perjury teacher that this person applies to? From that point of view, many people have doubts about whether this person can be trusted.

In the end, I think there are two topics for the next presidential election. One is Ban Lee Jae-myung. However, it's not very good to discuss that you don't like or like an individual. If so, there are many thoughts that the current imperial presidential system should be impeached. For me, solidarity can be achieved through things called constitutional amendment. If so, from the perspective of lawmaker Lee Joon-seok, solidarity with former representative Han Dong-hoon is primarily needed at the center because he is considered a conservative figure. Let's first create a focal point among those who approved of the so-called impeachment. I'll do it from that perspective. From the perspective of representative Han Dong-hoon, joining hands with lawmaker Lee Joon-seok is actually not very good from the current point of view, so I don't think there will be an excessive response.

[Anchor]
Deputy Spokesperson Kim said that one of the topics of the next presidential election would be Ban Lee Jae-myung, but Kwon Sung-dong, the representative of the People's Power, also hit Lee Jae-myung directly, saying, "Don't fall for the presidential play as if you were the president." How did you like it?

[Park Sungmin]
That's why Lee Jae-myung proposed a consultative body for the head of the National Intelligence Service and urged the ruling party to repent. I don't understand the ruling party's position. The current situation is not the time to attack CEO Lee Jae-myung. Representative Han Dong-hoon also mentioned Chairman Lee Jae-myung and stepped down, and it is time for floor leader Kwon Sung-dong to work together to deal with the ruling party's turmoil and to make political calculations and political divisions while attacking representative Lee Jae-myung in the current situation. It's still a mess. Since it can give this impression, I think it's better to stop seeing politicians continue to attack the leader of the other party in this way and fail to look back on their mistakes, causing disappointment to the people.

[Anchor]
Lastly, I will briefly ask the deputy spokesperson a question. Who will be the chairman of the emergency committee of the people's power now, this is also a very important issue, what is the atmosphere?

[Kim Gi-heung]
There is some common denominator. Shouldn't we do it on the floor this time? And isn't it important to have someone with political experience? If so, it would be from the multi-term lawmaker's side. People's livelihoods are important to what the current emergency committee chairman should have. Next, the diplomatic part is important, but as representative Lee Jae-myung said earlier, he has a lot of authority to have. I have a lot of energy. It can be violent in a situation where the power cannot be controlled. Even in a serious situation, the acting president can be impeached, so I will not impeach him for now. You can do it anytime. If you make yourself comfortable, but if you veto the party's voice, shouldn't you impeach him unconditionally? The reason for impeachment depends on their own advantages and disadvantages. This is very light for the Democratic Party, which is aiming for an authoritative party. What the people want is that President Yoon Suk Yeol is politically responsible.

If so, we are aware that CEO Lee Jae-myung has actually provided the cause. Impossible impeachment, special prosecution, and then reduced budget. I've been a reporter for about 20 years, but I've never experienced impeachment about 10 times. Nevertheless, I hope you see it in a long breath when you see the impeachment in the future.

[Anchor]
Let's stop here. He was joined by Kim Ki-heung, a deputy spokesman for the former presidential office, and Park Sung-min, a former presidential youth secretary. Thank you for talking today.