[Correcting the situation] Kwon Seong-dong, "Acting for South Korea, It's impossible to appoint a judge"...Park Chan-dae. "Ridiculous claim".

■ Host: Kim Sun-young Anchor
■ Starring: Kim Sang-il, current affairs critic, Jang Ye-chan, current affairs commentator

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNOW] when quoting.

[Anchor]
The police are speeding up their investigation, and so are the prosecutors. The prosecution asked the president to appear this Saturday on the 21st for the second time. Critic Jang Ye-chan and the prosecution and police are all in this situation. From the presidential office's point of view, the police's attendance request has not even been mailed. What do you mean? Do you think he's trying to go to the prosecution? What do you think?

[Jang Yechan]
There is an internal dispute over the leadership of the investigation as investigative agencies each say they will conduct investigations related to the president. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit should take the lead, the prosecution has the right to investigate, or not. This is the situation. In reality, it is impossible for both agencies to attend and investigate because the investigation by the prosecution and the Public Prosecutors' Office, which includes the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, are conducted in different directions and different subjects. Isn't it unprecedented to investigate the incumbent president? If the impeachment is still unknown what kind of ruling the Constitutional Court will make, President Yoon Suk Yeol will finish forming a team of lawyers and consult with the lawyers to set the investigation schedule. Yesterday, there was news that Kim Hong-il, former chairman of the Korea Communications Standards Commission, and others would join the lawyer's representative, but it seems that the composition has not yet been completed until the specific practice system of lawyers. That's why I think I need a little more time.

[Anchor]
It is only possible to guess how President Yoon Suk Yeol is planning his strategy, but there is a lot of speculation that he is trying to go to the prosecution over the return of the attendance request sent by the police to the mail.

[Kim Sang Il]
It's funny to go to the prosecution, go to the collaboration version, and do it yourself.

[Anchor]
In conclusion, isn't it a situation where you have no choice but to choose?

[Kim Sang Il]
If they call me, I'll go and get it. Basically, I think it's right to respond when you call someone with authority. It was right before that that the authorized side adjusted this. However, it is the authority to call it before it is adjusted, so the reason why we have to respond is that the president is the guardian and protector of our country's order. However, if the guardian, who is the guardian of institutions and order, refuses to do so, he shows himself that he is not qualified. It's right to be confident. And considering the criticism and criticism that the president has poured out to representative Lee Jae-myung, it should not be. If you think about the criticism and criticism you've been pouring out. I don't think it's appropriate in that respect. If it is because the lawyer is not formed, I would like to say that it is very inappropriate to borrow a form of public understanding so that the people can understand and understand to some extent, or to act like ignoring the system and these things in this way.

[Anchor]
In reality, if either side calls them first and secures their recruits, both sides cannot go, so it remains to be seen what choice President Yoon Suk Yeol will make, but his lawyer is said to have expressed his position that Kim Hong-il, chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, should help the country, but he has a special relationship with President Yoon Suk Yeol.

[Jang Yechan]
Wouldn't many people see it negatively in public opinion to serve as a lawyer for not only the president of Yoon Suk Yeol but also former members of the State Council? Nevertheless, I understand that Kim Hong-il, chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, is close to President Yoon Suk Yeol, and that President Yoon is very respectful to Chairman Kim Hong-il to the extent that he usually says he reminds me of Chairman Kim Hong-il when looking at Seokbakji Kimchi. It is known that he will help President Yoon Suk Yeol by resigning from the law firm he left his public office. However, in the case of such a large-scale trial, the lawyers should be composed of as few as 5 to 10 lawyers. Chairman Kim Hong-il, if he takes on the so-called representation, can be seen as a stage in which he is now forming a defense team to take on practical affairs under it.

So, it won't take that long, but when the defense team is completed within a few days, past practices will also be needed to see what kind of response is appropriate by consulting with the defense team according to the procedure. Recently, Kim Jung-sook and Moon Da-hye, a former presidential spouse and daughter, said they would summon the police and prosecution, or even conduct a door-to-door investigation, but they all refused. Of course, I agree that if an investigative agency says it will investigate regardless of the position, it should be investigated. It is also the role of the lawyers to insist on treating the incumbent president to some extent at a time when the former president's daughter and spouse are refusing to be investigated. After the defense team is formed, I think it will be known that the investigation with which side to discuss the investigation first and how to do the method and date will be established in a short period of time.

[Anchor]
Attention is also focusing on whether the investigation of the incumbent president will be conducted by the police or the prosecution. In this regard, Woo Sang-ho, a former lawmaker, talked about this. Let's listen to it.

Woo Sang-ho, a former lawmaker, interpreted it as, "Isn't he confident that the investigative agency will arrest him?" But within the Democratic Party of Korea, in the case of Park Ji-won, the prosecution has already turned, and will investigate more strongly. There is a certain time, but there are doubts about whether I can trust this if I go back to my parents' house.

[Kim Sang Il]
No one knows. However, we have no choice but to infer and interpret it from the prosecution's past behavior, but the prosecution has basically shown the behavior of putting the most effort into the survival of its own organization. Looking at that, it seems to be an analogy that for the survival of one's organization, in this situation, it will flow toward the president's investigation hard. A while ago, First Lady Kim Jung-sook and Moon Da-hye refused to investigate, and while talking about this, they said, "Isn't President Yoon Suk Yeol able to do that?" I think people with no power would be really sad to hear that. Powerful people justify their own mistakes by blaming others on each other. This is what I constantly said on the show.

It should be a society where other people's mistakes do not justify their mistakes. How does someone else's fault justify my fault? It doesn't make sense. So when Moon Da-hye and Kim Jung-sook refused, I criticized it even though I was a member of the same party. And at least those who come on the air and talk to the people should maintain at least an objective attitude, no matter what camp they belong to. In that sense, I once again say that if everyone demands the obligation of the system to do what it should do, it would be better to faithfully comply with that obligation.

[Anchor]
The prosecution and police are competitively speeding up, and in the Democratic Party of Korea, Park Se-hyun, head of the special investigation division, is a Yoon Suk Yeol division to the prosecution. There's also a voice saying, "Can we trust this?"

[Jang Yechan]
In the conservative camp, he is a senior and junior member of the school who is very close to former CEO Han Dong-hoon, so former CEO Han Dong-hoon is as bad as CEO Lee Jae-myung with President Yoon Suk Yeol. So some people say they don't believe it. So if you say you can't trust anyone, you can't trust everyone. However, according to the results of the investigation so far, the evaluation that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit did a good job in the investigation is not received by both conservatives and liberals, right? In that sense, when I ask the majority of the people, I think the reliability of the investigation capabilities of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will be low. Where is the subject of the investigation? I think it is inappropriate and bizarre to compete with each other to investigate, but the prosecution asked to set up a joint investigation headquarters for this part, but the police refused, leading to a two-track investigation. So, I don't know which side will produce results with the investigation first, or which side will the president of Yoon Suk Yeol and the lawyers cooperate with the investigation first.

[Anchor]
Do you think you're not going to be consistent with your refusal to subpoena?

[Jang Yechan]
I'm not sure. In general, former presidents often replace them with written investigations, not field investigations. Also, critic Kim Sang-il told me not to talk about other camps, but I agree with that in principle, but I have no choice but to bring up the recent case because I need a counter-example to explain it. The president just before
is former president Kim Moon Jae In. He rarely answered the written investigation while conducting a written investigation. And it is very unpleasant to receive a request for a written investigation, and I have officially made this position. Of course, the situation will be a little different. And I think President Yoon Suk Yeol will respond to the investigation because he has actively expressed his position that he will make a legal defense. However, it is a little difficult to predict now because it is a matter of whether the investigation method will be summoned, attended, visited by a third party, or written, and whether or not the investigative agency accepts the position when a defense team is formed.

[Kim Sang Il]
A little counter-argument is basically a crime of rebellion. And the investigation team does not have the authority to prosecute other former presidents while they are active. But now, I have the authority to prosecute the investigation team. However, the president has been relieved of his position, but he has a strong position as the president. Therefore, uncertainty, and then risk when this situation breaks down. Considering the risk of fluctuations, it is very difficult to compare the two. In any case, the investigation must be carried out quickly, otherwise the risk of the situation plus uncertainty in the economy and foreign security is too dangerous. So I think it is the people's attitude to call for a quick investigation first, taking those things into account.

[Anchor]
President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment motion is now credited to the Constitutional Court. From now on, it can be said that it's time for the Constitutional Court. This morning, Kwon Sung-dong, acting leader of the People's Power Party, raised this issue. Let's listen to it.

Can Acting President Han Deok-soo appoint a vacant constitutional judge? The ruling and opposition parties are now arguing over this issue. Critic Jang Ye-chan, didn't the ruling and opposition parties agree to appoint him? I'm sure some of you think this way, but what is acting Kwon Sung-dong talking about?

[Jang Yechan]
When former floor leader Choo Kyung-ho agreed on the schedule for the confirmation hearing to some extent, first of all, the floor leadership of the people's power has changed. It is common practice to negotiate again when the leadership changes. In addition, the opposition party said that former acting president Hwang Kyo-ahn was appointed as a constitutional judge, but to tell you the truth, former acting president Hwang Kyo-ahn was unable to appoint a constitutional judge during the impeachment trial due to the suspension of his duties. I couldn't appoint a justice for the president's part of the Constitutional Court. The chief justice of the Constitutional Court was also not appointed because the opposition party opposed it. At that time, all the lawmakers from the Democratic Party of Korea's very famous legal professionals, including Choo Mi-ae, Park Beom-gye, Park Joo-min, and Woo Sang-ho, said that the acting president had no right to appoint a justice of the Constitutional Court. So, if Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn can't do it, and then former President Park Geun Hye is finally impeached by the Constitutional Court, he becomes a presidential vacancy.

In that state, he appointed his share of the National Assembly's recommendation in April, and since the president was not there at that time, he was appointed. Therefore, as the Democratic Party of Korea argued at that time, the Democratic Party's logic is that even now, the impeachment citation is not final, so only the duties are suspended, not without the president. In this situation, wasn't the Democratic Party's position that the acting president cannot appoint not only a constitutional judge but also a minister? So anyway, the people's power is that the judgment should be completed in a six-member system. The Democratic Party of Korea changed its position and argued that since this is up to the National Assembly, the acting president only needs to go through the normal process of appointing. What I enjoyed watching was lawmaker Park Beom-gye's remarks this morning. Rep. Park Beom-gye was a person who strongly opposed this eight years ago. Now that I was asked this question, he said that it was a political argument at the time. The argument of a judge-turned-lawmaker has a separate political argument and a separate legal argument, and that's not it. Once the Democratic Party pushes ahead with its power, the key to the final decision will eventually be passed on to Prime Minister Han Deok-soo and acting chairman, but it is certain that the Democratic Party of Korea has created a embarrassing situation in which it has to change what they have said in the past.

[Anchor]
So many people will say it's quite complicated, but in fact, legal professionals have mixed interpretations as they keep talking about paths they haven't been to. So, there is a voice that says, "Did Hwang Kyo-ahn appoint a constitutional judge?" It would be nice if you could show us the timeline again. At that time, it is the claim of the people's power that he was appointed in the absence of the president after the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye was cited. How did you see that?

[Kim Sang Il]
I was just talking about the logic of the situation. Basically, even the acting president has all the powers of the president, legally. The problem is that there is no democratic legitimacy, so you have to self-control and self-restraint. Then, the question is how far the standard of self-control and self-restraint will be. It would be nice if there was basically some social consensus on this part. But we don't have time for social consensus now. I think we need to see that it's inevitable without it. For example, it's like this. There is a question of whether to reject the national fiscal law or not. Then, basically, active exercise of authority is not allowed, so I will tell them not to do it under the power of the people. Are you going to tell me not to do it when I'm active in appointing and vetoing? It's not. You have to do it.

Because in the case of the National Finance Act, I think there may be a clause in the abolition of the automatic ministry, but it is said that the budget must be agreed. What will happen then? There will be a very difficult situation for the government in the future. Then in this case, we inevitably have no choice but to veto it. Why? Because it's the domain of the administration. But beyond the realm of the executive branch, it's right to try not to be possible in the judicial sphere, for example in the political sphere. However, in the case of the Constitutional Court, it is said that it is a judicial domain, but the president is currently impeached.

However, in terms of some inevitability, it is highly likely to be misunderstood that this is hiding other intentions behind him, so I think it would be good to set a standard of inevitability, explain it to the people, and exercise the authority according to the standard.

[Anchor]
However, many people may sympathize with the logic you said, but at that time, we showed it graphically a while ago by the Democratic Party of Korea, and it is absurd that then-Democratic Party leader Choo Mi-ae should appoint Hwang Kyo-ahn as the acting head of the Constitutional Court. In addition, then-Rep. Park Beom-gye also said, "Acting Hwang Kyo-ahn cannot appoint a constitutional judge. I made a claim like this. How should I accept that logic?

[Kim Sang Il]
I think it's like this. I heard it's very important to set standards. Three constitutional judges are recommended for the National Assembly. The president doesn't have much reflection on his intentions. But in other cases, you become a person who receives benefits, even if it's not a preferential treatment. Then the people can have doubts that it can affect fair judgment. That's why I think self-restraint and self-restraint are necessary in that area. Appointing someone recommended by the National Assembly is passively resolving this part in accordance with the procedure. Therefore, I think there is a different part in terms of whether the decision is different and the standard is active or not.

[Anchor]
It was up to the president that the Democratic Party opposed, are you talking about that?

[Jang Yechan]
What I want to refute is that the Democratic Party of Korea opposed not only the president's share, but also the recommendation of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at the time. However, the logic is the same if the Constitutional Judge recommended by the National Assembly, the Constitutional Judge recommended by the Supreme Court, or the person not recommended by the President. But I was against it. After all, from the perspective of the Democratic Party of Korea at that time, it was said that it was too much authority for the acting president to appoint a constitutional judge while the president remained in his current position, but now why have the constitutional judges not appointed and delayed their recommendation? In the end, Chairman Lee Jae-myung's excessive impeachment and the rejection of the impeachment trial should not come out early, but he jumped into the Constitutional Court's recommendation belatedly, which is also a political result that Chairman Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea should accept responsibility. The Constitutional Court has already recognized the possibility of a six-member defense, a six-member hearing, and a six-member ruling by the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission Lee Jin-sook's provisional ruling.

Then, even in the current six-member system, the impeachment trial itself is possible. In the end, since everything has been impeached to consider the Constitution and procedures, the issue of forming the Constitutional Court should be kept the purpose of Article 111 of the Constitution, which has the right to appoint the president, regardless of the advantages and disadvantages of the camp. Even though it is up to the National Assembly's recommendation and the president has the process of appointing it, the Democratic Party of Korea recommended Choi Min-hee, who is now a member of the National Assembly, as a member of the National Assembly during the 21st National Assembly. It's up to the Democratic Party and the National Assembly.

However, the president, the final appointee, did not appoint the conflict of interest as a concern. Then you can't be appointed. So you say to the president that this is a formality, but what kind of formality is there in the constitution and procedures? Even in the company, no matter who the team members or the HR committee recommends as an executive, the president shouldn't say that he won't get it. Therefore, consultation between the two sides is necessary, and the right to sign the seal of the final appointee is clearly specified in Article 111 of the Constitution of Korea and Article 66 of the Constitutional Court Act. Is this simply a formality? There are no exceptions to the president that he has no power to reject.

If so, I was given enough justification to say that when the power of the people said it would abide by the principle, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo and I would not be appointed when the president is suspended, as was the case with Acting Hwang Kyo-ahn. However, when that happens, the Democratic Party of Korea will try to impeach Prime Minister Han, and that requires 200 seats.

Because I'm not the prime minister, I'm the acting president. Then this time, 12 people left for the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol. However, I don't think more than eight people will leave the impeachment of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo, no matter how close they are. Rather, the non-controversy over the Democratic Party of Korea, which impeaches the president and the prime minister, could grow. So, I think this will be a matter of the power of the people and how long Prime Minister Han Deok-soo lasts.

[Kim Sang Il]
I don't know why Prime Minister Han Deok-soo has to endure. First of all, I think Jang Ye-chan's criticism of the Democratic Party makes sense. In that way, I think that there are not many politicians in the political world who are doing well and deserve criticism. The impeachment hearing and judgment are in front of you. Isn't it the most important thing to make it the most perfect form and not controversial? This is basically right for Prime Minister Han Deok-soo to have the authority, and there is no reason for Han to hold out because he has to judge the matter based on its importance. If you can't agree to solve this important thing in a more complete and uncontroversial way now, I think that your interests are getting too far ahead of you.

[Anchor]
If you don't make the appointment, do you think it's natural to go to the impeachment proceedings?

[Kim Sang Il]
So, the key is whether or not lawmakers close to impeachment will approve of it. However, if Prime Minister Han Deok-soo rejects this without convincing reasons, I think I will participate in the impeachment again. Why? This is not the problem of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo. With the president's duties suspended, it is important to see if the president can make a judgment on the constitutional unconstitutionality and illegality of the president historically justified and more flawless. If you refuse it, it can only be read that you unilaterally rejected it to sympathize with the current emergency decree. How can you accept that in a close circle? How can the people accept that?

[Anchor]
However, in a situation where various interpretations are being made regarding Han Deok-soo's acting authority, is it possible to veto the appointment right now as well as the right to appoint? Then, attention is being paid to how acting Han Deok-soo will decide his veto on the special prosecutor's office for rebellion and such.

[Jang Yechan]
So the precedent is very important because not everything is specified in the political sphere. Regarding the appointment of constitutional judges, precedents argued by the people's power or conservative camps have never been appointed when not in a presidential position. Rather, he is putting forward a precedent that he was blocked by opposition parties while trying to appoint him. On the other hand, regarding the exercise of veto power, former Prime Minister Goh Kun exercised his veto power during the impeachment trial of former President Roh Moo Hyun in 2004. Therefore, this precedent is also expected to be referred to by Prime Minister and Acting President Han Deok-soo. I think he will exercise his veto power carefully on political issues. However, in terms of policy, such as the grain law, it is not a political issue, but rather a policy that directly affects our people's livelihood and economy, so acting Han Deok-soo is unlikely to have much pressure to veto this.

[Anchor]
It remains to be seen whether the ruling and opposition parties will even enter a vote-fight over impeachment again. In this situation, the ruling party is in a mess right now. It's another emergency committee situation. Who should be the emergency chairperson? There's a lot of talk about this part as well. Let's listen to it.

Who is being discussed as the chairman of the emergency committee of the people's power at this time of the year? I think it would be nice if you could show me the graphic. Those are the names that come out. Kwon Young-se, Kim Ki-hyun, Kim Moo-sung, Na Kyung-won, and Joo Ho-young.

[Kim Sang Il]
Except for former CEO Kim Moo-sung, everyone is a legal professional. I want the power of the people to get out of the legal profession. Especially those who used to be prosecutors. I hope you can get out of it. Because what has been a problem of people's power so far is that there has been no independence or independence as a political party. Absolute obedience to absolute power and absolute flattery. We need to get out of this and change to accepting the public sentiment and delivering and coordinating the public sentiment to absolute power, but without that, it is enough for the people to have doubts that they are finally carrying out all these things to sympathize with the president in this severe situation. I think there is no future for the power of the people amid such doubts. You'll have to go down a long political downhill with the president. And after going downhill for a long time, the time to come back up will be very long.

[Jang Yechan]
But the power of the people includes B-Yoon and B-Yoon. Are there any screams, half-people left in the Democratic Party? It's a problem that all parties are having. I don't think it's a chronic problem just for the power of the people. However, in the case of removing pro-Yoon, the majority of the people who worked hard in the last presidential election say that even if they do not agree on martial law and admit their mistakes, the confusion leading to impeachment should be prevented. However, in this situation, representative Han Dong-hoon was virtually forced to step down because he did not get the consent of the members of the party. It doesn't make sense to have a close relationship as the chairman of the emergency committee. We have to attract all the lawmakers, but we have no choice but to appoint a majority of the lawmakers and a person who exchanges opinions with the mainstream as the emergency chairman, so we seem to be prioritizing those who have close exchanges and touches with lawmakers on the floor rather than outside the assembly. For me, the chairman of the emergency committee is important, but I think the side of the emergency committee members will be very important.
And what kind of emergency committee does this emergency committee become. For example, there may be an emergency committee to deal with the party while we still oppose impeachment and go all out to block it. Let's get ready for the early presidential election because it looks like it will be impeached. It could be this kind of emergency committee.

Therefore, I don't think it's a matter to be done quickly because the future strategy of people's power will change a lot depending on the tendency, centripetal, and direction of the emergency committee. As the parliamentary meeting will be held throughout this week, opinions on the emergency committee chairman will be heard, and this is not a matter that floor leader Kwon Sung-dong can decide alone.

[Anchor]
It's better to decide from the inside than from the outside.

[Jang Yechan]
That kind of atmosphere prevails right now.I can't say for sure. However, for now, it is said that one of the senior members of the floor is likely to take over.

[Kim Sang Il]
But Jang Ye-chan, the best, should know that I'm not saying this to make the people's power go wrong or to criticize them. What I'm saying is that in order for politics to develop a little more, the power of the people must be good so that its rival, the Democratic Party, can do well. That's right. I personally think the Democratic Party has a lot of criticism. However, we have to think about why the people do not make proper judgments and criticisms of the Democratic Party. So, in order to solve the problems of both parties, in my view, the power of the people should properly deal with the emergency martial law issue related to this allegation of serious civil war. Then I say that the problems of the Democratic Party that the people's power now condemn will be seen by the people and that proper judgment will begin to be made.

[Anchor]
Since you're talking with affection, what kind of people do you think should be mentioned as an example for the chairman of the emergency committee of the people's power?

[Kim Sang Il]
At least I don't think anyone who appears to protect and protect the president should be allowed.

[Anchor]
So-called "pro-yoon" is not allowed.

[Kim Sang Il]
I don't think Chin Yoon can do it. But the problem is that if someone who doesn't come in, everyone jumps in and pulls it down, so it's a problem. How much power would such a person take with a temporary system of management because Yoo Seung Min is a person who has nothing to do with this? Member for Yoo Seung Min, come in. So I think it would be great if someone like that came.

[Anchor]
You said you had such a wish, but in reality, there seem to be many views that are not easy.

[Kim Sang Il]
The problem is not that it is not easy only for Yoo Seung Min, but it is not easy for anyone who gets a little wrong.

[Anchor]
I think it's one of the conundrums of the emergency committee chairman. With the possibility of an early presidential election being discussed, aren't you and I the great dragon of the presidential election? It's being discussed like this. Lee Joon-seok, a member of the New Reform Party, expressed his intention that if the early presidential election is held, I can run if the timing is right. That's what I said. It means that I might meet former CEO Han Dong-hoon someday. I felt a sense of deja vu while watching Han Dong-hoon's retirement ceremony. He said he deeply sympathized with former CEO Han Dong-hoon's last words that he wished the Republic of Korea well. If we continue to pursue politics, we may meet someday. That's what I said. Where do you mean we're meeting?

[Jang Yechan]
My guess is that Han Dong-hoon, come under me. In the case of Lee Joon-seok, a member of the New Reform Party, didn't he leave the party and form a new party by strongly revealing his anti-Yoon tendency within the pan-conservative camp? Former CEO Han Dong-hoon is still a member of the people's power.In fact, Ma has a clear anti-Yoon position in this impeachment phase, not only in favor of impeachment but also describing the president's statement as a confession to issue. However, the problem is that party members and supporters who have supported former leader Han Dong-hoon tend to want to go out too far within the People's Power, so as far as I know, there are not many spaces left for former representative Han Dong-hoon to work in the People's Power and Orthodox Conservatives. Then, former representative Han Dong-hoon may seek a third direction, and in that case, from the perspective of lawmaker Lee Joon-seok, he can push over former representative Han Dong-hoon no matter what he does or does.
There is a big difference in political experience. Rep. Lee Joon-seok has been in politics for much longer and has experienced more postnatal warfare.

[Anchor]
I think former CEO Han Dong-hoon will also be neck-and-neck in the prenatal battle.

[Jang Yechan]
Still, there's a weight that time gives. So there are anti-Democratic forces among those with anti-Yoon identity. So, I think it's a kind of expression of confidence that you can become the leader of Han Dong-hoon in the anti-Democratic Party and anti-Yoon group. Usually, if you have confidence, you give words of blessing to others, and if you don't have confidence, you criticize a lot, but until former representative Han Dong-hoon stepped down due to this situation, Lee Joon-seok's comments criticizing former representative Han Dong-hoon were very sharp. But I understand everything. Meeting someday seems to be a kind of far-sighted paving stone for the anti-Democratic Party and the anti-Yoon camp to reach this point, as the influence of CEO Han Dong-hoon has decreased a lot.

[Anchor]
Are you saying help me, not help me someday?

[Jang Yechan]
I'm telling you to come under me someday.

[Anchor]
Do you communicate with critic Jang Ye-chan and lawmaker Lee Jun-seok these days?

[Jang Yechan]
No. I called you during the party bulletin board incident in the past, and we don't communicate separately after that.

[Anchor]
Anyway, it's a subjective interpretation, but I'll meet CEO Lee Jun-seok someday, this expression helps me. If an early presidential election is held in the distant future. Do you think this is what it means?

[Kim Sang Il]
Rather than saying that, if it was asking for help, I would have made behind-the-scenes contact first. But I think it's more about creating instantaneous issues than that. In short, from CEO Han Dong-hoon's point of view, you will feel like you are feeding him with slang. Because basically, you need a strong platform to be a presidential candidate. So, a strong platform called a political party, when you were a candidate for Yoon Suk Yeol, you didn't want to come in just because you didn't fit the people, but you said you needed a strong foundation and platform, so you used it as a platform. That's why it worked. So, in this presidential campaign, it is not easy to leave out a strong platform, that is, a political party, so I don't think representative Han Dong-hoon will abandon such a big weapon and the platform Lee Jun-seok can be compared to that.

[Anchor]
No chance of going to the New Reform Party at all?

[Kim Sang Il]
I don't think there's any. Rather, from the perspective of representative Han Dong-hoon, there are political rivals similar to themselves in the party while protecting the party. I think it's much better to organize a forum or a table that sets the agenda of the zeitgeist with candidates Oh Se-hoon and these people. While doing that, quickly removing the image that you're very weak, that you're doing everything by yourself. I think former CEO Yoo Seung Min was also driven by the traitorous frame because of that. If you look at the precedents of Yoo Seung Min, you can judge the consequences and effects of touch, so I think it is right to take steps that can be supplemented.

[Anchor]
Anyway, meeting means that the two of them are right, but former CEO Han Dong-hoon may not have that thought at all. I think the scenario will change depending on CEO Han Dong-hoon's intention. Daegu Mayor Hong Joon Pyo is also being discussed as one of the passport's Jamryongs. Myung Tae-kyun's lawyer said this. Let's listen to it. If you tell me more, I'll finish it. My legal representative said that Myung Tae-kyun said this. What do you have about Daegu Mayor Hong Joon Pyo to say that?
[Jang Ye-chan] I don't know.
But in the case of Mayor Hong Joon Pyo, he already said that one of his aides, not him, was only close to Myung Tae-kyun. I hope that Myung Tae Gyun, who is currently under arrest, is ashamed of watching this broadcast. How much caricature did politics get and how many sadals happened because of you? I don't get any benefits from Myung, so I can say this with confidence. Are there only one or two people who helped the president? But since all those people ask me to take care of someone's nomination like Myung, I have to go to other party lawmakers and reveal it. Did you show your Telegram and do this mess? It doesn't fit basic political intentions. Is this a political con artist and a broker? What's a broker? For example, all politicians work hard to make contributions to the presidential election, increase their political standing and win nominations based on their contributions. But if you record them all and don't nominate me, I'll pop them. I heard you did it with Myung Tae-kyun.
It's a strange thing. I don't know why Myung Tae-kyun rebukes politicians through a lawyer. And political funds and money relations seem to be intertwined with very inappropriate and messy things, but just be punished quietly and if it's this inappropriate, it will be hard for you to work in politics again. You have to pay a sweet price for
and prepare for the rest of your life. You have to brag about this and that to politicians as if you have lingering feelings. I submitted some golden phone to the prosecution, but it turned out that all the phone records were erased. I don't know what's going to come out there. However, if something comes out, those involved should be held accountable for the outcome. However, should the ruling party show its dragging its feet by such a political broker?

[Anchor]
You said you need to be firm, but Myung Tae-kyun said this, but when we looked it up to tell you, the Hong Joon Pyo market doesn't seem to have a position yet.

[Kim Sang Il]
It's not the pollack that matters. If an individual Myung Tae-kyun is charged with a crime for committing a personal crime, there is no reason for us to care. That's something that needs to be clarified if it's related to a public official that's much more important than pollack. Why? Public officials are people who have authority and influence over our lives. But it's important for us to find out whether the people who have authority and influence have misplaced that authority and influence. By the way, who is the mayor of Hong Joon Pyo even though he uses the expression of fluttering? What do you say to everyone who is younger, less empowered, or less ranked than yourself who feels a little spoiled? He's the one who talks like this. But after hearing that it's fluttering, there's nothing to say. Then, from the people's point of view, this is very lame. I can't help but think like this.

[Anchor]
They might come out soon after our appearance, so we'll wait for them. I'll cut down on Jungkook's news here. It was Jang Ye-chan and Kim Sang-il. Thank you.