[News UP] Police, metropolitan police, and detectives...Is it about to be re-enacted?

■ Host: Anchor Yoon Jae-hee
■ Starring: Park Min-young, spokesman for the People's Power, Kang Sung-pil, deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea


* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News UP] when quoting.

[Anchor]
Let's continue to point out what's relevant. We will be joined by Park Min-young, spokesperson for People's Power, and Kang Sung-pil, deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea. There are also predictions that the execution of an arrest warrant for Yoon Suk Yeol's president will be likely next week, so do you have any in mind?

[Kang Sungpil]
It is not known when the police will execute the arrest warrant. However, if you think about the police or we think about it in common sense, there are about 700 employees in the current security service. However, except for the administrative personnel and the personnel dispatched after that, there are about 300 to 400 people who are actually guarding the president. But they take turns protecting the body.

Then there would be about 300 people, and then they said that if we try to recapture the castle at least by looking at the same disease as the Sonja Army Act, we need more than three times the number of troops. Then we need about 1,000 skilled detectives, and we expect it to take at least three to four days if we try to set up special construction equipment because it seems that it will be very difficult to gather and gather all of them in the metropolitan area. [Anchor] There are reports that the arrest warrant is about 3 weeks, but you can try it several times within the deadline.It's highly likely that I'll do it at once, right? [Park Min-young] Isn't it more important to have the ability to execute and how to enforce it than the period itself?

Even at the time of the first execution, the deadline itself was given as a week, but the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit actually tried to execute it for only about 5 hours and 30 minutes on January 3. As a result, the driving force to execute the arrest was completely collapsed in public opinion as the first execution failed, so I think it will be more important to try and choose what method to take this time. The Democratic Party expressed that it would take back the castle, and it seems that you understand the execution of arrest warrants as if it were a military operation, so we have to raise concerns about the possibility of bloodshed or physical events.

In fact, I don't think the execution of arrest warrants is an essential factor in investigating the incumbent president. Since former presidents, starting with former presidents
, were not necessarily prosecuted after investigations were conducted through arrest, we need to think about whether it is desirable for the agency and the agency to go to a confrontation through such extreme methodology.

[Anchor]
Attention is also being paid to what strategies the security agency and the police will devise, but the police will mobilize all detectives in the Seoul metropolitan area. This is the will to put in experienced detectives in charge of violent crime investigations.

[Park Minyoung]
From the Democratic Party's point of view, they are even saying that armored vehicles should be mobilized and that the airborne department should be determined to receive bullets. So, the security agency says there are about 700 people, but it needs to mobilize several times more police personnel to break through this. As a result, it seems to be a willingness not to hesitate to use physical means. In the end, what is the reason why these things stipulated in the institutional sphere the rule of law, not the execution of the police in the national system of Korea, but the prosecutor? I think the spirit of the law is that violent methods should be avoided because solving through violence is not a desirable way, so the national defense of the suspect must be guaranteed and various legal mechanisms must be prepared. In that respect, I hope we can solve the problem in a reasonable way.

[Anchor]
The head of the Noodles Headquarters said yesterday, "We have never reviewed the mobilization of police commandos, armored vehicles, or helicopters reported in the media." Some point out that it will be different from the last time just by putting in a large number of manpower.

[Kang Sungpil]
One of the biggest reasons why emergency martial law failed, what did former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun say? If the number is insufficient, we can't respond. After all, the key to the execution of Yoon Suk Yeol's presidential arrest warrant is the question of time, manpower, and, most importantly, will. As the spokesman said, there should be no bloodshed. To do that safely, I personally think it would seem inappropriate to try to arrest the president right away from the start. I think it's actually illegal to use weapons or fiercely resist non-presidents if the head of the security service executes an arrest warrant, and I think the security staff will know. That's why we call it the relay arrest method. I think it's important to keep arresting the security guards who constantly interfere with this, one by one, and bring the last one, the president. But why did this happen at this point? It is true that the power of the people keeps raising objections to whether the president's right to defend himself or arrest him. You don't have to do this much. If the president has responded to the investigation, and he can just come out of the execution of the arrest warrant and be the one himself. That's why you can exercise your legally established defense rights.

If you go to an investigation and exercise the right to remain silent, wouldn't you end up prosecuting it without detention? However, I will say that it is unfair to execute an arrest warrant because the investigative agency is wrong now because the president did not respond to anything unreasonably, and that it does not fit the public sentiment.

[Anchor]
It is pointed out that the best way is for President Yoon Suk Yeol to cooperate even considering physical conflicts and various situations. What do you think? [Park Min-young] In the end, the Democratic Party of Korea is arguing that the president should actively deal with this because emergency martial law was the cause. I personally believe that the President of Yoon Suk Yeol needs to consider that kind of forward-looking approach as well. However, with the same logic, I think there is certainly an aspect that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit provided an excuse for President Yoon Suk Yeol. Controversy continues over whether the organization of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has the authority to investigate rebellion in terms of investigative jurisdiction. The president of Yoon Suk Yeol is saying this.

Get a warrant from the Seoul Central District Court. If we do that, we're saying we're willing to comply.
In fact, according to the Public Offices Act, the jurisdiction court that can obtain an arrest warrant for the Public Offices is the Seoul Central Court. When the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit filed an arrest warrant with the Central Court five times and failed to get all five of them issued, there was a continuous controversy that the so-called judge shopping to the Seoul Western District Court. So, in this regard, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit needs to make efforts to resolve these doubts, and as a result, I think the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police are the leading positions of peaceful solutions.

[Anchor]
Let's take a look at this part. He pointed out that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit should be issued again to the Seoul Central District Court.

[Kang Sungpil]
What the spokesperson said makes good sense. But these things can be argued enough until a warrant is issued in the Western District Court. But you've already got a warrant. How burdensome would it have been for a judge to legally review all of the things you mentioned and execute an arrest warrant for an incumbent presidential warrant? Nevertheless, it should be followed that we have issued a warrant like this. And even after that, the president raised an objection to the court. It was rejected again. And from the court's point of view, it's wrong to issue a warrant in the Western District Court, so issue it back to the Central District Court. Doing this in itself denies the court's 70-year history, so it can't be. According to Article 31 of the Public Offices Act, it is legally stated that it is possible to do enough where there is evidence.

And most importantly, what kind of people in the Republic of Korea can claim that they are wrong about the court's arrest warrant and that the investigative agency is wrong? This is possible because he is wearing bulletproof armor called a sitting president. However, the president has a duty to protect the constitution. In addition, according to Article 11 of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea, all Koreans are equal before the law. Therefore, it has now become a meaningless discussion about the authority to investigate, the subject, and the legitimacy of the warrant.

[Anchor]
President Yoon Suk Yeol also held a meeting with foreign reporters yesterday, and lawyer Seok Dong-hyun said this. He kept mentioning the word civil war, saying that attempting to arrest and detain the president by force would lead to a backlash from the people. How did you like it?

[Park Minyoung]
As the deputy spokesperson said well, fairness is important in law enforcement, but I think accuracy is more important than speed at the moment. I think the reason why we emphasize various practices such as courtesy in the arrest of an incumbent president is that it has implications beyond the meaning of being important because it is simply the president. In the end, since it is politically symbolic, there is inevitable debate among various supporters about it. Therefore, what is the basis of the constitutional spirit of Korea in the procedure? Shouldn't it be based on social integration and national integration? That's why I think it's important not to enforce one president, but to move in a way that doesn't divide society, and that's why we're saying that we should exclude as much as possible the possibility of legal controversy.

Even at the time of the first execution, we raised a question to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit why we had to get it from the Western District Court, but the fact that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit did not care about these objections and obtained a warrant from the Western District Court again raises doubts about whether our society can move toward integration when executing this warrant. That's why I don't think lawyer Seok Dong-hyun is saying this to protect the president's individual.

As a result, legal judgment should go beyond judicial judgment and be a direction that the people can understand politically and socially. In the process, we need to think about whether it is good to try in such a physically coercive way.

[Anchor]
Because of those parts you mentioned, lawyer Seok also talked about this yesterday. The opposition party and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit are closely connected. I used this expression, too. How did you like it?

[Kang Sungpil]
You have to provide objective evidence on how the opposition party and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit are closely connected, so you have no power in your argument because you vaguely say that. Lawyer Seok Dong-hyun has already said in the past that the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is also a lawyer and has never brought up an arrest, but what did the important workers who participated in martial law say? The president of Yoon Suk Yeol calls himself and four people bring it out one by one. Break down the door and bring down the MPs at least by shooting. There are circumstances that you said this.

Therefore, I think it is inappropriate to vaguely claim that objective evidence should be presented together with what lawyer Seok Dong-hyun is saying. Anyway, there has been a lot of controversy so far regarding the president's arrest warrant. And I think there is a lot of national disagreement on whether or not to execute this arrest warrant. That's why I appeal once again, President, many people execute a presidential warrant in this cold weather, don't execute it. I am appealing to the president to see him suffer like this and to make him/her own as a last courtesy to the people.

[Anchor]
There was also a mention yesterday that the president was worried that the purpose of declaring martial law would not be achieved, what does this mean?

[Park Minyoung]
To give you a short refutation, you said there is evidence that the opposition party and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit are connected, but isn't it that lawmaker Lee Sang-sik's SNS continues to be controversial? Rep. Lee Sang-sik himself said that he was acting as a messenger between the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the Democratic Party, but he deleted the part because it became controversial. It doesn't end there, but there's this story right below in the paragraph. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is expected to execute an arrest warrant around the weekend. Since these facts correspond to investigative secrets, we think that information cannot be known unless it is secretly exchanged. In that respect, it raises suspicions that he is in communication with the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and if it is true that a specific party is in communication with the investigative agency, this could be a serious national constitution. We're raising a problem about this.

I don't think the purpose of declaring martial law, the expression of the success of martial law, is appropriate. In the end, I am consistently saying that this method is not right in the power of the people because it was intended to be solved in a legal and physical way, not in politics. However, I think there will be this implication. The process in which the Democratic Party of Korea has passed 29 impeachment bills so far for three years, reduced the budget, and continued to pressure the administration through parliamentary and special prosecutors has not been highlighted enough so far. However, with the emergency martial law, isn't it that many supporters are gathering in the power of the people? I think it's not because the power of the people is good, but that the Democratic Party has been pressuring the administration in this heinous way.

So apart from the president's methodology, I think the opposition party's method of pressuring the administration was justified, and the process of such social public debate had the desired outcome politically.

[Anchor]
Is there anything you can add to your opinion?

[Kang Sungpil]
Since you talked about Representative Lee Sang-sik, let me explain. In the case of Representative Lee Sang-sik, of course, I think there are certain shortcomings as a first-term representative. But you're also asking me at today's debate. When do you think you'll execute the warrant, and what do you think you'll do? It's something that anyone can predict from that level of common sense. And if you say so, you can't help but point out lawmaker Lee Chul-kyu. In the case of lawmaker Lee Sang-sik, he is a member of the executive committee. That's why, as the spokesman knows well, the standing committee can call the agency to ask pending questions and ask questions in the process. But Rep. Lee Chul-kyu, think about the future. This can be heard as a threat if interpreted incorrectly, and this person is not even a member of the executive committee. However, he was the head of the Gyeonggi Provincial Police Agency. Therefore, if we continue to water down these misunderstandings, the essence will go against each other, so I think we should stop at this point. Anyway, is the president unlikely to succeed in the purpose of martial law? That's really wrong. And the reason why the president did emergency martial law was that he wanted to warn the opposition and let the public know about this. So what kind of action did you try to warn the opposition? He said he was trying to warn about cutting the budget and impeaching government officials, but the statement said that the Czech nuclear power plant cut the budget by 90%, but the Ministry of Industry said it was wrong.

We go and build an arresting nuclear power plant, so why would we set up a budget? And when there are circumstances that this martial law has been planned since March, did you declare martial law in advance in anticipation of how the Democratic Party will impeach you? So, of course, because it is a minority party, not a majority party in the National Assembly, I know that there was a lot of difficulties in the part that the president wanted to implement by the principle of democracy and the principle of majority vote, but I will say that the method was wrong.

[Park Minyoung]
To give you a brief rebuttal, you mentioned the case of lawmaker Lee Chul-kyu, but I also think that lawmaker Lee Chul-kyu's remarks were not appropriate. However, in the process of pressuring the police in such a way, Rep. Lee Chul-kyu openly expressed displeasure in the collaboration. These remarks may be inappropriately criticized for pressuring, but I think they are essentially different from the controversy over intervening in the investigation through internal communication like Representative Lee Sang-sik. Since this is an illegal act that strictly violates the separation of powers, I think the Democratic Party would have said 100% to investigate the case if this had happened in the power of the people. Let me tell you that this part is different. Since you mentioned the budget, let me refute briefly that the Democratic Party not only cut the nuclear power plant-related budget, but also cut the blue whale budget by more than 90%.
The prosecution's special activity expenses and the presidential office's special activity expenses were completely reduced. Don't you have a government reserve? In the case of the Muan Airport accident, we need the government budget to respond to the sudden accident, but we cut it by more than 1 trillion won.
That's why there's no choice but to have this problem of whether the budget was cut to paralyze the state administration.

[Kang Sungpil]
I'll tell you briefly. You can think of it as really helping the Yoon Suk Yeol government to cut the blue whale budget. You know how insufficient the company that was trying to lead it was. And you talked about the special expenses of the prosecution. Prosecutors' special expenses are not regularly dropped at the district office like they pay monthly rent. And the Government Management Act also says that this should not be funded with cash. Nevertheless, if you say you will report it to the National Assembly Standing Committee after you use it up, our Democratic Party will give it to you. But I hope you understand that it was a step that I couldn't avoid because even he said he wouldn't.

[Park Minyoung]
I think both investigative agencies such as the National Intelligence Service and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit know that special activity expenses are being used for investigative purposes. At the same time, didn't the National Assembly's tax expense increase significantly? These are the parts that are controversial.

[Anchor]
To point out that part, we don't have enough time, so we'll continue to move on to the content. Oh Dong-woon, the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, said yesterday that if he interferes with the arrest warrant, the lawmaker can also be arrested. Do you think this is justified?

[Kang Sungpil]
It's an obstruction of the execution of special public affairs. In any case, active lawmakers are not allowed to arrest unless they are caught red-handed, but this can be regarded as a red-handed crime on the spot, so they can be arrested sufficiently. And I know that the legal interpretation has already been completed. And above all, the members of the People's Power have already signed that they will give up their immunity from arrest while participating in this general election, and it was also on social media. That's why I believe that members of the People's Power will make a wise judgment.

[Anchor]
The chairmen of the Outside Party Cooperation Committee of the People's Power formed an anti-impeachment meeting, and they are visiting their official residence every day. How do you see this in the sugar?

[Park Minyoung]
Basically, no one says that it is aimed at interfering with the public execution of investigative agencies, whether it is members of the People's Power or the chairmen of the Outside Party Cooperation Committee. The lawmakers even went to the front of the residence and said, "Let's meet and have dinner with the president," but they all refused, and clearly said that they had never contacted the president and had never met. Wouldn't the National Assembly members of the People's Power go to the front of their official residence without knowing that the immunity of arrest does not apply to current offenders? Since I didn't go to protect the president in front of his residence in the first place, I don't think it's an appropriate matter to question the possibility of arrest. I also think it is a personal political judgment that the chairmen of the party's cooperation committee and the chairmen of the outside committee visit. Because there are many opinions, but it is also true that there are public opinions pointing out the illegality of the presidential arrest warrant execution process, so I think it is an individual free issue to respond to it as a politician.

[Anchor]
Former lawmaker Kim Min, the power of the people, is in trouble. A press conference for the official launch of the Baekgol-dan to block the execution of the president's arrest warrant was held at the National Assembly, and it was former lawmaker Kim Min who arranged this. I belatedly expressed my position on social media anyway, but criticism is pouring in. How did you like it?

[Kang Sungpil]
Former lawmaker Kim Min also seems to have fully recognized that the press conference was wrong. That's why he said he would withdraw the press conference. Nevertheless, as the Democratic Party of Korea, we would like to propose an expulsion for former lawmaker Kim Min. In the case of this expulsion proposal, if two-thirds of the lawmakers approve it, it will be expelled. The reason why this is inevitable is what does the white bone symbolize in our democratization of the Republic of Korea?

Since the 1980s, how many democratic citizens have been suppressed with iron pipes with a bat, with jeans, a blue jacket, and a white bulletproof wetmel? As for this, Gwangju citizens are still directly survived by the victims. Under these circumstances, organizations that are really traumatized by the people were called to the National Assembly and held a press conference? Also, I would like to ask those who self-proclaimed as Baekgoldan, do you know what Baekgoldan means historically? Since it is a really wrong behavior, I would like to tell you that our Democratic Party is considering the expulsion of former lawmaker Kim Min.

[Anchor]
How do you see it in terms of the power of the people?

[Park Minyoung]
At the party leadership level, we have drawn the line that it was an individual lawmaker's deviation. When I looked into this issue, I understand that even the protesters in front of the residence strongly expressed their opposition, saying they did not agree with the concept of the white bone group. Let me make it clear that the reason why former lawmaker Kim Min said he was withdrawing the press conference was that there was a self-purification effect among such supporters. Their argument came before this because we support the President of Yoon Suk Yeol, not for the purpose of resisting public power through heavy armament. Rather, he is criticizing the organization called the White Bone Team more intensely than the opposition party, not to mislead the essence of our protests.

I'd like to tell you that there are various self-purification effects. As a result, you said you were pushing for expulsion, but I think former lawmaker Kim Min made a really big mistake, but I think it's too much to discuss expulsion when the process of self-knowledge is happening at midnight.

[Kang Sungpil]
Personally, I hope that floor leader Kwon Sung-dong will not recommend lawmaker Kim Sang-wook to defect, but I will take such a step to recommend former lawmaker Kim Min to defect.

[Anchor]
It seems that the confrontation between the camp is intensifying due to the pro-impeachment rally. It is true that some point out that the confrontation is being encouraged too much by the addition of expressions such as white bone or radical words.

[Park Minyoung]
I think politics is getting quite overheated. But I don't think this overheating situation is simply the fault of one side. Isn't there some awareness that both the ruling and opposition parties are violating politics too much, and that the president's excessive exercise of authority in the administration has caused such controversy, and that the Democratic Party of Korea is also interfering with the judicial order beyond the administration that it is the legislative power of the 190-seat opposition party? In that respect, I would like to say that both the ruling and opposition parties are negligent and that the enforcement of justice needs to be concluded from a national unity perspective, as I said earlier.

In addition, we believe that the distorted incentive structure to take power only when the country collapses is essentially a problem. I think it is time to seriously discuss the constitutional amendment and reflect deeply on whether the five-year single term system of the life-or-death decision is making our society unhappy.

[Anchor]
What would you like to say lastly?

[Kang Sungpil]
If the president is removed from his post by due process, the early presidential election will be held, and I think that in that process, the constitutional amendment will be discussed. In the Democratic Party's view, it is not a civil war, saying that the power of the people is wrong with emergency martial law. Nevertheless, arrest warrants are illegal. Since this frame itself is a breakdown of judicial order, I believe that the Members of Parliament and the Chairmen of the Committee are also acting for their own political purposes. Therefore, I appeal to you that I hope the President will resolve this issue without further confusing our people.

[Anchor]
I see. I'll stop listening to it. Park Min-young, spokesman for the People's Power, and Kang Sung-pil, deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea. Thank you.