[News NIGHT] President Yoon is about to be arrested...growing conflict fears

■ Host: anchor Sung Moon-gyu
■ Appearance: Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, Park Chang-hwan, special professor at Jangan University

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNIGHT] when quoting.


[Anchor]
It's a focus night time to point out the news of political interest. Today, Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, a special professor at Jangan University, are here. Please come in. As early as today, it is predicted that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will execute an arrest warrant for President Yoon Suk Yeol. You just saw me in front of the official residence.Ma is still in a noisy situation. It's almost 10 p.m. now, but it hasn't happened yet. When will it happen?

[Jang Sung Ho]
If you look positively at the context that Director Oh Dong-woon of Airborne will keep his manners, there are two sides of interpretation. I will be faithful to the president's courtesy that I will be polite. In the past, he meant not to use rope or handcuffs, but if you look at the arrest warrant now, isn't that how it is allowed to arrest at night? Nevertheless, since I am an incumbent president, I will use my daily hours to execute it fairly. Because I look at it in that sense, isn't there a lot of protests in front of the official residence that are quite big on both the supporters and the opposition? Currently, supporters of President Yoon Suk Yeol were gathered, but it seems that a lot has been lost at night.

[Anchor]
Is this the current situation? What's the picture? It's a drawing of data right now. Anyway, the anti-impeachment rally is still going on at this time.

[Jang Sung Ho]
If you look at the protest status earlier, I've heard such media interviews that a large number of people take turns protesting here at night and in separate groups.

[Anchor] Professor
Park, how did you see it all day today? The situation in Hannam-dong?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
First of all, President Yoon Suk Yeol is actually inciting anti-impeachment protesters. Since it's the same situation as asking me to block it, I'm worried that a physical conflict might cause a mishap, and I think it was a very angry day whether the president, who put the country into crisis due to martial law civil war, should be watching the people continue to propagate and instigate the civil war, not to the extent that he really rebelled against it. The execution of the warrant should be done quickly, but I said I would keep my manners now, so I don't think I'll do this late at night and early in the morning. But it's too late to go by the weekend. By the end of the week, there is a very high possibility that both sides will hold large-scale rallies for and against impeachment. Then, in the end, wouldn't it be possible to execute the warrant while the police maintain order while the warrant is executed early tomorrow morning with the smallest number of people? So I think there is a high possibility that the warrant will be executed immediately after tonight.

[Anchor]
Both of you said that it would not be a night situation, and you said it until tomorrow morning. If you look at the daytime today, it was really chaotic, but in front of Hannam-dong's official residence. There were situations where supporters went right in front of the official residence through the police with support lines in the alley as well as the alleyway, and dozens of people lay down. There was even a situation where the police gave a warning and came in, and it was quite chaotic today.

[Jang Sung-ho]
12.3 In the midst of martial law and various confusion, from the perspective of the power of the people, if the president votes to impeach and goes to the Constitutional Court, isn't the maximum period of judgment by the Constitutional Court for six months? For 180 days, he clearly warned that there would be such violent protests of conservatives and progressives like today or confusion in state affairs, so it is necessary to step down in an orderly manner through various early presidential elections or power restructuring. Because wasn't the result of the impeachment of the president of Park Geun Hye quite nationally confused? At that time, former President Park Geun Hye gave up everything and went straight to the Constitutional Court, but in this case, this is not a civil war for the president. Therefore, I will first receive whether this is a civil war at the Constitutional Court and then investigate the refusal of the arrest warrant of the Dong-A Ilbo. I think it's a position to reject it because it seems to have that purpose. In this situation, this is now an arrest warrant, but there will be another arrest warrant in the future, and various situations can be intertwined more intensely, right? When it's over at the official residence, it's going to go to the Constitutional Court again. That's why there are a lot of media, institutions, explosives, threats, etc. right now, right? So can these things really solve the various very active participation of our people in our politics, participation in this issue? I think the Korean people are quite concerned about that.

[Anchor]
Then how about this specifically? First of all, even the possibility of a physical conflict is a concern in the process of executing an arrest warrant, and the key is the movement of the security service. It is predicted that there will be a physical collision, what do you think? How will the bodyguard move?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Isn't there a presidential residence and a presidential office? In the past, Cheong Wa Dae. If there is a Blue House, the outside security of the Blue House and the overall security will be carried out by the radiation. a water defense commander There is no water defense commander now, but if the water defense commander does it and goes inside, there is a security team guarding the presidential office and the official residence. There's another guard, and if you go in there again, there's a bodyguard. It's made up of one, two, and three. Of course, if there are various kinds of armed attacks or attacks by North Korea...

[Anchor]
So to put it simply, the soldiers on the outside, the police on the inside, and the security inside. It's triple.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Since it is triple, it is quite difficult to penetrate triple, and from the standpoint of the security service, they can arrest various basic laws on security according to legal procedures, and against the other party. That's why it's likely to have conflicts with each other. Because they are in the position of following the security law protecting the president, and Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Law have nothing to do with the arrest warrant. As the judge said...

[Anchor]
Let's talk about that later. Then Professor Park, first of all, the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit warned that if the security service prevents it, it could be applied to obstruction of justice. That's a pretty strong warning.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
That's right. It's not an obstruction of the execution of public affairs, it's an obstruction of special public affairs. It interferes with the execution of special public affairs because it has prevented the execution of warrants by mobilizing force as a group. I will take care of security in due course. You literally have to protect them within the legal framework according to the Security Service Act. However, according to our constitution, it is possible for the president to prosecute civil war and foreign exchange. That's why the prosecution has been done accordingly and you're taking the court's arrest warrant to do that. Moreover, it is said not to put any restrictions on this arrest warrant. Since it does not fall under the constitution's restriction regulations, it is also taken with a court order not to impose restrictions. Then I refuse to do this. This is not a legitimate security service. In other words, this part could be a violation of the Security Service Act and literally obstruct the execution of special services, so I think the security service responds so strongly. In that case, this is a direct violation of the nation's judicial order. You're really rebelling. In that sense, I don't think you will make this reckless resistance. After all, if you want to take security measures according to due process, you should protect the president from terrorism attempts or, for example, threats from pro-impeachment supporters, not the execution of warrants by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. In that sense, I expect that the bodyguard will make a reasonable choice.

[Jang Sung Ho]
So, the presidential office filed an objection today that the arrest warrant was unfair, and didn't you injure it and hold a power dispute trial? That's why everything is so confusing for us? Isn't it confusing because you've never done anything like this? Therefore, the interpretation of the law is different and the interpretation of the phrase is different, so there is inevitable confusion, and then the Constitutional Court has no choice but to judge everything that can quell this confusion. Everything legal. Of course, when it comes to the crime of obstructing the execution of special public affairs, we are doing it appropriately here, and why is the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit investigating the crime of rebellion? If the prosecution makes a deformed version of the investigative right and handed it over to the police, the crime of rebellion will be investigated. However, I don't know if there was a conflict between the prosecution and the police, but why did the prosecution not hand it over to the police but to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit? Then, since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the authority to investigate the President for treason, the investigative power. So, aren't we investigating civil war by attracting the police and forming a deformed organization called the Gongjo-bon?

[Anchor]
Do you think it's a deformed tissue?

[Jang Sung Ho]
That's how I see it. Because there is only one subject of investigative power. If you are a police officer, you should be a police officer, and if you are a prosecutor, you should be a prosecutor. Then do you think this is legal if you borrow a little from the police and do it by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption

[Anchor]
There's usually a joint investigation headquarters.

[Jang Sung Ho]
There is a joint investigation headquarters, but there is only one clearly the subject of the investigation. That's why it's like that in many ways. That's why, from the presidential office's point of view, the prosecution should come to investigate the rebellion. That's what I'm saying. No, I'm asking the police to come, the right to investigate in the first place. However, since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit comes in, I think they are saying that this is illegal and unfair.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
However, since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the right to investigate, the warrant for illegal investigation is also invalid. How funny an excuse it is to talk like this. The police took a search warrant with them. I rejected that. The president of Yoon Suk Yeol refused at the time. The president of Yoon Suk Yeol and the bodyguard did not respond to any requests when the National Defense Agency, which has legal authority to investigate civil war, took a search warrant and even sent a request for attendance. Now, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the right to investigate, so it is illegal, and the warrant is invalid. In the end, as you said earlier, it's not about the crime of rebellion, it's about whether or not I lose my position as president, so I'll focus on the impeachment trial and the Constitutional Court now, and the investigation will be like this after this. However, since the police refuse to investigate the head of the rebellion at a time when all major workers are arrested and even prosecuted, a collaborative copy has been established and is being investigated as a national organization. However, avoiding this on the grounds that it is illegal is just an excuse to say that you will not be investigated in the end.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Isn't Article 110 of the Criminal Procedure Act saying that the police applied for seizure and search, and a place requiring military secrets cannot be seized and searched without the consent of the person in charge? That's why the security agency came in? Didn't you come in to secure CCTVs in your official residence? The security service cannot search and seizure of such things under legitimate law without the approval of the president, so approval from the person in charge. That's why I just rejected it. You didn't bring a personal arrest warrant at that time, did you?

[Anchor]
Please show us that. Can you show me Articles 110 and 111 of criminal proceedings? It's Article 110 of the Criminal Procedure Act you just mentioned, and this is the small title. It's about military secrets and raids. A place where military secrets are required under Article 110 (1) cannot be seized or searched without the consent of the person in charge. You just said this, and let's take a look at Article 111. Article 111 is official secrecy and confiscation. Earlier, it was a military award, and now it's official. In the case of places requiring confidentiality for duty, it is said that it cannot be confiscated or searched without the consent of the person in charge. While you're talking about this part, you're talking about the grounds that you can fully reject the seizure and search.

[Jang Sung Ho]
What the police brought is not an arrest warrant issued by the court, but a seizure and search warrant brought by the police themselves. That's why Article 110 of the Criminal Procedure Act has the consent of the person in charge, and Article 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act means that the person in charge can reject it.

[Anchor]
First of all, that part is about the search and seizure.

[Jang Sung Ho]
And that's because the police are the subject. However, lawyers in the presidential office claim that the arrest warrant is rejected because it was brought by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit.

[Anchor]
So, Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act, why this is a problem, the court wrote it like that in the warrant. Exceptions are made to the application of Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act. It's a problem because it's indicated. So why did the courts put this in the way that this is an exception? How do you interpret this?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
In fact, the court did not have to put in the phrase that except for the application of Articles 110 and 111. Because if you look at Article 110 and Article 111, Paragraph 2 of the Criminal Procedure Act now, it is said that consent cannot be refused except in cases that harm the state's significant interests. So in principle, you have to accept all of this.

[Anchor]
So if you're harming a significant interest, you have to say yes, is that how it's interpreted?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
That's right. It really goes against the national interest, in the interests of the country. In that case, the bodyguard can refuse it, but in that case, you have to accept everything. But now it's a search warrant for the crime of rebellion last time. Does this harm the national interest? Of course, you should have received it. Then the approval of the person in charge mentioned in paragraph 1 is important. That means the person in charge refused because he thought the search warrant violated the nation's critical interests. Then, the police's request for summons at the time is the same. The same goes for the receipt of documents related to impeachment by the Constitutional Court. The bodyguard sent it all back. You refused. Did you determine that it harmed the country's significant interests? Whether martial law and acts of civil war have harmed the country's significant interests or whether it is in the country's significant interests to investigate this has changed a long time ago. So, the security service has refused the summons, the seizure and search warrant, and even the documents of the Constitutional Court, so if you take an arrest warrant this time, you will not be able to come in again based on this paragraph 1. Don't stop it in court because you're afraid of doing this. Articles 110 and 111 paragraph 1 are now exceptions here. It is now the process of being prosecuted for civil war. That's why I put it in the order that you can't block it. I put it in to prevent possible incidents, refusal of arrest warrants, and refusal of search warrants, but I ordered the security agency to execute the warrant one more time because the security agency is forced to block what is already mentioned in paragraph 2.

[Anchor] Before we hear the professor again in Chapter
, to summarize briefly, Article 110 and Article 111 (1) are talking about the conditions under which the seizure and search cannot be conducted. Nevertheless, in paragraph 2, we talked about paragraph 2 that we can do it in such a case, but conditions that could not be done continued as paragraph 1 was highlighted, but if you look at paragraph 2, you can do it. Because you kept saying paragraph 2 that you can do it if it harms the country's significant interests. Speaking of the

[Jang Sung-ho]

Act, I think it's the abuse of the warrant judge's authority legally. The power of the people also made the announcement today. This was done by the warrant issuing judge to the extent that the entire warrant was invalidated by putting it in. That's how I saw what was reported, and now it's called judicial excess, right? It is quite serious from the perspective of excluding legal application, just as a warrant judge legislates something that does not have his or her authority. That's how you announce it from the power of the people. There are books such as the court practice proposal, the tin criminal procedure law, and the tin criminal procedure law, which were supervised by Justice Roh Tae-ak. And you can do this before or after sunset, rather than putting such things in the positions where Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act are put in. It's said that you can add something like that. Although I'm not a lawyer. And the same thing happened in the 2017 independent counsel. So, how the court judged at that time is where the issue of non-acceptance disposition goes if you don't accept it. Where does the question of disapproval go without consent? So this should be ruled by the court. That's what the precedent says. That's why it's clearly said that we can't search and seizure without consent, right? That's why I think the Constitutional Court should also hear about this and make a political judgment.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
The Constitutional Court tells you to judge everything, but why are you rejecting the appointment of three constitutional judges required by the Constitutional Court?

[Jang Sung Ho]
No, you can't do it to the side like that. Since there are up to eight people, isn't it different for us? Then, that's why the Constitutional Court was created. If we don't do it by law, it's a public opinion indicator, with the power of the protest crowd gathered in front of the residence, and where would the country go?

[Anchor]
Anyway, President Yoon's side has filed an objection to the arrest warrant, filed a power dispute trial with the Constitutional Court, and the Supreme Court has asked the judge for a fact-finding and disciplinary action, so we need to see how the Constitutional Court and each court will judge it. As the execution of the first arrest warrant against the incumbent president approaches, the ruling and opposition parties are also paying keen attention. Let's listen to related remarks.

[Park Chan-dae / Floor Leader of the Democratic Party of Korea: The joint investigation headquarters of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police should not delay the execution of the arrest warrant and immediately arrest the Yoon Suk Yeol. It is a confession that it is an accomplice of a rebellion that interferes with the arrest of a rebellion leader who tried to overthrow the Republic of Korea. The Presidential Security Service should cooperate with the execution of arrest warrants without interfering with the execution of official duties. ]

[Shin Dong-wook / Senior spokesman for People's Power: The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has also been issued an arrest warrant. As you know, many people argue that there is a problem with issuing warrants, and since this is the situation, I think many people are worried that there might be conflicts between law enforcement and citizens. (No one said there should be no exception to the execution of warrants, doesn't that mean the president should cooperate with the execution of warrants? ) No, that's not it. It's up to the president to decide. ]

[Anchor]
The Democratic Party is clear. He's been pressing for the execution of the warrant. However, the people's power said there should be no exceptions to the execution of warrants, but when I asked if the president should cooperate with the execution of warrants, he answered, "It's up to the president to judge." How did you like it?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Hasn't anyone already made his position known twice, as has the judicial risk of representative Lee Jae-myung, the arrest warrant of the president, the investigation of future charges, and the Constitutional Court ruling? That's why I made this declaration of emergency martial law within the constitutional framework, and I said some things about the reason, so first of all, rather than investigating the prosecution, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, whether this is a civil war in the Constitutional Court or not. If it is a civil war, of course, I will receive legal punishment through investigation. I think it's that kind of dimension. From the ruling party's point of view, the president is also governing this within the constitutional framework. That's what you're saying, so would you abandon the president? I think it's a common destiny community of the ruling party. I'm not saying I'm throwing it away, but we just have to watch it in accordance with democratic procedures, which is why the crowd of protesters, opposition to impeachment, in favor of impeachment. Wasn't the past liberation political situation quite severe? I think it is the political community's duty to absorb it quickly within the constitutional framework because such conflicts were repeated in 1987 and around 40 years of liberation, going to the Constitutional Court and going to the official residence.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
In two ways, I think the position of the people's power is very problematic. The first is that the president judges cooperation in executing the warrant? This is a complete caricature of the judicial order. I decide on my own whether or not the suspect who committed the crime of rebellion and foreign exchange will choose the right to investigate and receive a warrant. What kind of law does this exist and reign? Is he a king? This can't happen. You shouldn't caricature the judicial order. Second, speaking of public opinion, President Yoon Suk Yeol issued a letter last night asking him to block the execution of the president's arrest warrant, which eventually incites citizens who oppose impeachment to protect themselves.

[Anchor]
Can you show me that letter?

[Park Chang-hwan]
If you look at it, the state is being pushed by anti-state organizations. We're talking like this.

[Anchor]
It's the middle part right now. The Republic of Korea is in danger due to the ratification of sovereignty and anti-state forces inside and outside the country.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
It's dangerous to say that more than 70% of the public approve of impeachment. And the proportion of having to be punished for civil war is similarly high. Then, as you are saying, if you consider it as an invasion of sovereignty and then a quasi-dong of anti-state forces, 70% of the people have become anti-state forces, so-called anti-state forces. I'm telling you to fight them. In the end, the president's statement last night will fight with the people. It is a typical propaganda, incitement of a civil war that tells a small number of its supporters to go out and fight with the people. However, if the ruling party defends it when it will not be enough to scold it, it can only be seen as a really cowardly act that has violated the meaning of protecting the constitution, saying that it will neglect the continued civil war on December 3rd.

[Anchor]
However, even within the ruling party, they did not agree on the letter message part collectively, and some lawmakers said it was a pun and a law enforcement act, and in the case of lawmaker Kim Sang-wook. Representative Kim Yong-tae also expressed concern that the letter would lead to a national conflict.

[Jang Sung Ho]
This is happening and the political community has missed out on doing that, even though they have used the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye as a counter-teacher in the past. There are many reasons, but such a situation has already made it difficult to proceed reasonably and procedurally. A situation that has no choice but to go to the extreme is unfolding in our eyes, and the power of the people is a pluralistic party. Of course, the president has not finished the constitutional court or judicial process, but the president is a crime of rebellion, so let's all turn our backs on him and block the president. Should I do that? I think it's a people's court style. Democracy takes time and legal procedures anyway, and shouldn't we put up with it for as long as six months? Since the Constitutional Court is six months old, we have to endure the trial of the Constitutional Court whether we do it for six months or two months, but we have already seen various supporters and opponents collide fiercely during the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye.

[Anchor]
I'm worried that it'll be repeated again.

[Jang Sung Ho]
So, isn't it repeating? It's repeating and it's bound to repeat, that's how I see it. It's the political circles and political parties that keep this chaos in order, but aren't the political parties and politicians really at odds with each other even though they're trying to resolve it, but they're trying to stabilize it? I think it's quite disappointing whether this is what our politics really look like.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
The problem is that the power of the people is pluralism, but the way to protect the stability and peace of the country was that President Yoon Suk Yeol tried and failed to mobilize the military and police through a civil war. I opposed impeachment because I couldn't stop him even if I scolded him. And that's how the president is effectively impeached now, but this time he's trying to keep his supporters alive by propaganda. Then you have to scold him strictly for this part, and this is also a matter for the president to judge. Another member of Congress went in front of him and we failed to protect the president. Let's protect each other from now on. How can such propaganda and agitation bring peace and stability to the country?

[Anchor]
Anyway, that message itself is not through a public conversation, but directly sent to the supporters who are protesting in front of the residence.

[Jang Sung Ho]
So, it's cold in front of the supporters, so you can't even say that? And if you interpret it as it is, there is no end to it. I said 10, but if it's the media and if it's the people, it's the people, but I want to see it as it is. The same goes for the power of the people. If the president is impeached and dismissed by the Constitutional Court, he should be judged by the power of the people. You can be judged and held politically responsible when you go.

[Anchor]
I've heard enough. Let's talk about the next one. Acting President Choi Sang-mok appointed two constitutional judges, the day before yesterday. However, after the Cabinet meeting, there was an atmosphere in which the members of the State Council were quite loud and opposed to the agency's decision. How did you hear it, what was the atmosphere?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
When acting Choi Sang-mok talked about the appointment of a constitutional judge, some people, such as Kim Tae-gu, the acting chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, who were present there, protested fiercely. Why are you doing this?

[Anchor]
It's on the ticket now. Wasn't the Cabinet meeting at 4:30 p.m. on this day? They said they appointed two constitutional judges, and then the people on the left protested. Kim Tae-kyu, acting chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, Lee Wan-kyu, head of the Legislative Office, Yoo Sang-im, Minister of Science and ICT, and Kim Moon-soo, Minister of Labor. On the right, those who supported acting Choi Sang-mok. Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yeol, Environment Minister Yoo In-chon and Environment Minister Kim Wan-seop. The horses must have gone quite intensely.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
What the people feel when they see that is that when the president fought martial law and civil war, he couldn't say no, he couldn't oppose it, he couldn't resign, and he killed me here. Those who have not even been able to say this say that they are impeached now and should be appointed by the Constitutional Court or the Supreme Court, but I will appoint them for the stability of the country and the economy. I don't even have a veto, actually. It is a ridiculous and funny story from the people's point of view to oppose the appointment of the state when it is not authorized.

[Anchor]
Why did Acting President Choi Sang-mok make the decision without discussion with the members of the State Council?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
I didn't do it without discussion with the State Council member. I asked them to talk about this together, and they protested against it, and other members of the State Council said they should do this now, and since the debate is not over, I will decide. And then we decided. I don't have enough choice for acting Choi Sang-mok, but I have accepted the demands of the Constitutional Court or the Supreme Court anyway, and I am three elected by the National Assembly. The president has no veto power on this part. It's just a formal appointment process, but if you don't do this now, you've finally accepted it with the judgment that uncertainty in the Republic of Korea could lead to an economic crisis. In this regard, I believe that the State Council members or those present who raised the issue should be condemned.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Then do they all have to be punished, too? I don't think so. Democracy is supposed to be done according to dialogue, discussion, and law, and if you accuse and punish it for criticizing it, I think it is not a state, and the acting acting president Choi Sang-mok is really absurd and arbitrary. That's what I think. I think he acted inconsistent and contradictory. Because 12. During the martial law cabinet meeting, he told the media that he was absolutely against martial law and then ran out. However, the State Council is a deliberative and decision-making body. Of course, even if you deliberate, then it's the same principle. If you deliberate at the Cabinet meeting and make your own decision even if there are opponents, shouldn't you just see this as a yes if two or three people approve despite the fact that President Yoon Suk Yeol has a lot of opposition? Didn't you admit that you were overstepping your authority because you acted antinomic and that the Minister of Labor and several other people are resigning from the deliberation and decision-making body of the State Council, including the chairman of the Korea Communications Standards Commission? So why did you pass this and not appoint all three, but just pick two, and then the president has a choice of two in the Constitution? I don't think so, do I? I think this is a very big issue that is likely to become a legal problem after the acting of authority ends.

[Anchor]
Acting Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok is originally the deputy prime minister for economy. Government officials say that they reacted quite sensitively to the economic inequality and uncertainty. So, considering the country's economy, it would be very difficult if uncertainty continued here. And if he is impeached here again, he will not be able to control the economy because the next one is Deputy Prime Minister for Social Affairs Lee Ju-ho. It's said that he was very concerned about that.

[Jang Sung Ho]
I think it's better to understand than to dream. Can't the economy run only with Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok and the vice minister does it again? That's going to go down if you impeach them anyway, and if you keep impeaching them. Nevertheless, I think that such situational awareness is not important, and formal procedures are important now. Of course, we need a deputy prime minister for economy. Because our economy is very important. Nevertheless, doesn't it take months without this confusion overnight? That's why we need such things in order, but two people are appointed and one is not appointed, but the Democratic Party's power dispute trial and the National Assembly speaker does it. If you do so, it is neither this nor that, so you have not shown political power in such consistent administration. I think so.

[Anchor]
Lastly, let's listen to Professor Park.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
The quickest way to bring about political stability is for President Yoon Suk Yeol to step down now. The whole nation says that martial law civil war is wrong and that the power of the people is wrong. And now, the Constitutional Court will make a ruling soon, but isn't democracy based on the will of many people? Then, if Yoon Suk Yeol's president is really for the country, step down now. I think that's the fastest way to stabilize the country and dispose of the uncertainty of the country's future and the uncertainty of the economy.

[Anchor]
I see. I'll stop listening to you two. Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, a special professor at Jangan University. Thank you both.