[New Square 10] Yoon's "arrest warrant"...When is the second execution of the arrest warrant?

■ Host: Anchor Park Seok-won, Anchor Um Ji-min
■ Starring: Jang Ye-chan, former member of the Supreme Council of the People's Power, Park Sung-min, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN New Square 10AM] when quoting.

[Anchor]
While the government is considering the timing of the second arrest of President Yoon, President Yoon's side insisted that it would comply with the prosecution or arrest warrant request. [Anchor] Jungkook's situation. Let's point it out with the two of you. Jang Ye-chan, former member of the Supreme Council of the People's Power, and Park Sung-min, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea. Welcome.

[Anchor]
I also heard about the connection to the noodles earlier. Ahead of the second execution of the arrest warrant, Kook Soo-bon is now considering it very much, but it seems that there is a possibility of weekday or night execution.

[Park Sungmin]
Wasn't it the existing position that it was difficult to execute the warrant during the weekend? Therefore, considering the fact that he attempted to do it on weekdays during the first execution of the arrest warrant last time, I think he is likely to do it on weekdays, but the police are considering various strategies, such as whether it will simply end in a day. The police have a lot of manpower and various equipment compared to the security service, so I will not finish this operation in a day, but go to a long-term war like this for two nights and three days and take out the power of the security service. Because I told you earlier that the police have a lot of manpower. As a result, replacements and other parts are possible, so you can continue to lose strength. Given that you are thinking about these things, I think it is a difficult situation to conclude that it will be executed simply within a day of weekdays.

[Anchor]
Before the first execution, Director Oh Dong-woon mentioned that he would not execute it at night, but now that the police are leading the way, there was a possibility that it could be executed in a surprise manner at night.

[Jang Yechan]
However, if you look at it now, a lot of supporters are gathering around Hannam-dong residence even at night, so there is a little concern about clashes between the police and the general public, whether during the day or after sunset. Most importantly, as Acting President Choi Sang-mok said, physical clashes and bloodshed should never occur between our state agencies. One thing I'm concerned about, regardless of whether the arrest warrant is executed or not, I feel that lawmakers are actually encouraging a bloody conflict between state agencies, such as Rep. Lee Sung-yoon of the Democratic Party of Korea and others in the National Assembly Judiciary Committee, asking them to open their chests and get shot if the security agency shoots a gun, and to execute it with the momentum that even a coffin will come out. That kind of hard-line statement will never help solve this situation. The people who are looking at this situation now may have different positions, but if there is a physical conflict between the National Police Agency and the security service, it will remain a scar that is difficult to erase in our history. So, I still think finding ways to cooperate with the investigation without detention by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit or President Yoon Suk Yeol's lawyers behind the scenes rather than causing conflicts due to excessive execution is to minimize public conflict.

[Anchor]
However, President Yoon should indict him or seek an arrest warrant. Isn't this the position you're in? I made a point at yesterday's press conference, but should I see any intention of this?

[Park Sungmin]
The delay strategy seems clear. So, if you look at it now, it seems very clear that the intention to delay the impeachment trial in general and the failure to comply with the investigation process is very clear. This time again, if you take issue with the observation court, or if you arrest or prosecute it, I'll follow it. It doesn't make sense to discuss the way the suspect claims an arrest warrant, an arrest warrant, and I think it's more like a trajectory to talk like this as if you were shopping for this warrant. And isn't it possible to arrest or prosecute only when an investigation is preceded? However, he said he would respond if he applied for an arrest warrant without cooperating at all in these areas. But you have to take a close look at this as well because even if you request an arrest warrant, there is a procedure called this warrant review, so if you don't appear here, this can be delayed again. On this part, the president also did not conclude that he would attend. So I'm still using some trick. It's a strategy that you keep trying to avoid, it looks like this.

[Anchor]
You said it's a time delay strategy, but in fact, it's possible to request an arrest warrant right away without legal investigation. But in fact, I think it will be a little burdensome for the investigation authorities.

[Jang Yechan]
Since I am an incumbent president, I think President Yoon Suk Yeol will respond if the investigative agency declares the principle of investigation without detention. We've had a lot of former presidential investigations in history. But every time that happens, the son-in-law's bribery investigation into former President Moon Jae In's family is still underway, and all former President Moon Jae In's family members refuse the prosecution's request for a summons investigation. So, it seems that the investigative agency should also carefully consider the specificity of the investigation targeting politicians and politicians and that there are quite a lot of supporters. The impeachment trial of the Constitutional Court is the most important thing for President Yoon Suk Yeol, and he seems to be concerned about the effect of the actual impeachment before the impeachment trial due to personal restraint. Therefore, isn't it the majority opinion that the impeachment trial will not take a year or two, but will come out in March? Then, before that, it seems that it is fair to conduct an investigation or indictment without detention by an investigative agency in principle, as well as equity in the investigation process of opposition politicians. Since lawyers are protesting against the current president and the impeachment trial, rather than rejecting the investigation itself, I think President Yoon Suk Yeol will fully respond to the investigation and investigation if coordinated by the principle of non-restraint investigation.

[Anchor]
One of the defense's resistance factors gave a clue. We talked about asking for an arrest warrant to the Central District Court, not the Western District Court, but we will talk about it again after hearing the lawyers' story.

Why does he have such a clear clue as the Central District Court?

[Park Sungmin]
For now, the first thing seems to be aimed at shaking the legitimacy of the warrant issued by the Western District Court itself. But I don't understand what that lawyer said, so you filed an objection to the arrest warrant, don't you? But the court dismissed it. If the court dismissed it, it's right to sort out a position instead of continuing to object to it in that way. It seems inappropriate for me to continue making politically provocative remarks in that way, and it's as if the warrants issued by the Western District Court are illegal, and only the warrants issued by the Central District Court are legal. It seems to be preaching this logic. But one question I want to ask is why does the suspect judge whether this arrest warrant is illegal or legal? In fact, it's not up to the suspect to judge. If it was an illegal warrant request, the court would not have issued it, and if it was not appropriate to issue it in the Western District Court, the decision would not have been made. Even the objections he filed have already been dismissed, and the court has cleared up various issues. He pointed out that the exception clause was only an interpretation of the law, and that it did not violate legislative power, and that it was not possible to argue whether or not to object to this arrest warrant. He also said that issuing a warrant in the Western District Court is not a problem at all.

But if it's not an arrest warrant issued by the Central District Court in that way, I can't respond. After all, the president's strong resistance, including the security service, in the execution of this arrest warrant seems to be a strategy to make his own logic and defend it.In fact, it's obviously time-consuming, and in fact, it's lawless to block any lawful enforcement proceedings. In fact, I don't think it's appropriate for a lawyer to destroy the law in that way and a former prosecutor to do it by a Yoon Suk Yeol president.

[Anchor]
In fact, the general public cannot make such a request as to where the court should be. By the way, lawyer Yoon Gap-geun is talking about what he asked for in the Western District Court is a court judge's shopping, but then do you have in mind the possibility of being dismissed if you request an arrest warrant from the Central District Court?

[Jang Yechan]
I don't know. First of all, the president seems to value legal and procedural legitimacy. First of all, it seems clear that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit cannot conduct a rebellion investigation. The Central District Court also has jurisdiction in the Corruption Investigations Unit Act, but since the Constitutional Court recommended by the Democratic Party of Korea coincidentally worked in the Western District Court, it seems that the people can accept it only if there are no concerns and misunderstandings about such political bias. If you look at it now, there are many polls showing a large increase in approval ratings for President Yoon Suk Yeol and the power of the people, and unlike the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye, conservatives and progressives are gathering strongly on both sides, right? So, no matter what the outcome is, whether it's impeachment, arrest or arrest, it's a part of the process where both sides have to nod their heads in order to be able to accept those who have opposing positions, and not to move toward national division.

In fact, the Seoul Central District Court is also a court that issued an arrest warrant for former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun. Therefore, legally, it is not a situation that can only be viewed as favorable or favorable to the President of Yoon Suk Yeol. Nevertheless, I think it is the position of the lawyers of President Yoon Suk Yeol to follow the law. Of course, I told you that there is an unusual practice because it is a political event. For example, weren't you sentenced to prison, such as former lawmaker Yoon Kwan-seok, in connection with the Democratic Party's investigation into the money bag? Several current lawmakers have been asked to summon seven times, but they are refusing all of them. But that doesn't mean that arrest warrants have been filed for those lawmakers, and the police force has just been reviewed and dragged out of the parliament building. If you don't like the seven times you've refused, of course, the charges are different.Ma is an incumbent president, and to put in a helicopter to put in a drone rather than an operation to remove Osama bin Laden just because he considered the legitimacy of the investigation in three investigations, I think the only way to prevent the division of public opinion is to coordinate the process and tap the stone bridge while coordinating it step by step so that there are no concerns and misunderstandings.

[Park Sung-min] To add
, there are no opposition politicians who have been investigated as suspects for rebellion. In the case of rebellion, it is a serious crime that makes an exception to the president's privilege to remove fluoride, and if convicted of rebellion, the death penalty, life imprisonment, and imprisonment are very severe. So, I have to tell you that President Yoon Suk Yeol's refusal to comply with the investigation process, which is a serious violation of the law, is a matter of which major military commanders and police leaders are all arrested and investigations are already being conducted, and denying the legitimacy of a legally issued arrest warrant itself is actually a position that the president's lawyer has previously discussed. In other words, it shows that I will not cooperate in any case in the investigation process, so even if I applied to the Central District Court and an arrest warrant came out, I don't think I would have responded by saying that the impeachment trial comes first.

[Anchor]
So, the battle between President Yoon and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit over the execution of arrest warrants is getting fiercer, and yesterday, there was another war of words over the submission of a lawyer. President Yoon's side said that he went to submit a lawyer's appointment, but he was rejected, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit explained it because there was an interview process, but should it be considered a kind of fight?

[Jang Yechan]
Right. It's kind of a war of nerves. However, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol has not recognized the investigation authority of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. But doesn't the fact that you submitted a lawyer's appointment still show your willingness to coordinate something? By the way, an agency called the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is an official investigative agency operated by the national budget, but it's not another case that there is an internal recruitment schedule, but the president's lawyers came, but they didn't have a meeting? I think it's a little hard to understand.

It is necessary to meet and talk about one more time underwater or on the water, and coordinate how to investigate, but to leave the documents without seeing each other sounds like a declaration of war: let's just stick to the force of the arrest warrant, which is feared to cause a physical conflict, instead of sticking to this war of nerves, shouldn't we come back to submit a senior appointment or make an additional appointment at some kind of place to avoid physical conflict or bloodshed as much as possible? I hope the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will consider such a plan prospectively.

[Park Sungmin]
But what I don't understand is that if I do, should I at least give him a red carpet and treat him to tea? I'm a little puzzled. And the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit made its position clear. First of all, before submitting the appointment of the lawyer, the lawyer requested an interview with the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit without the appointment. It's something like, "I'm here, so please meet me." However, in this situation, we have a schedule to hire a prosecutor and have an interview, and if it's already been submitted, I said it's not right to do an interview without submitting a senior, so I told you to pay the senior first. Then I went back saying, "There was no response, there was no reception," but as you know since you're a lawyer, you can ask for a senior submission by the civil service office or by mail. However, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit did not necessarily meet this, and it was non-responsive. That's why I couldn't register. I think it would be appropriate to register first and speak.

[Anchor]
Despite the opposition from President Yoon Suk Yeol, the Joint Investigation Headquarters will execute the arrest warrant as planned, but if you think about the first execution, it was very strongly blocked with a human shield in the third cordon. So how to penetrate this part is the key, but we were worried earlier, but if there is a physical conflict, it will be a burden to both sides.

[Park Sungmin]
Yes, in fact, that's why the police seem to be considering ways to minimize physical conflict as a priority. Politicians and various media have said that they are considering the deployment of special forces, but in fact, the internal atmosphere of the police is said to be cautious, saying that it would be a little difficult to deploy this special force. Because the deployment of commandos can result in more intense physical conflict and a backlash from the security service, it seems that there are many discussions about what would be more effective against the security service, such as the deployment of a task force or the long-term operation of two nights and three days as I mentioned earlier, or the head of the security service, which can neutralize the security service's command system from the beginning, can be arrested in advance, or if the command system is neutralized in groups of four, physical conflict with the security service can be minimized. I think that's what I'm thinking. So it's hard for me to predict.Ma thinks the top priority will be the arrest of the leadership, with the police putting overwhelming physical force but at the same time disrupting the single counterpart of the security service before that.

[Anchor]
In the case of police commandos, aren't they quite armed? Instead, it seems that a plan to put in a criminal mobilization team is also being discussed.

[Jang Yechan]
The main agent of this warrant execution is the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. The police can even maintain order to prevent the task force from colliding with the citizens and rallyers around it, as they only need to cooperate.There is inevitably a controversy over whether it is also legal to enter the official residence and actively execute the warrant. And a sitting president, but so far. Even if the office is suspended, the conclusion of the impeachment trial is only known. However, I would like to say that it is too much to put 3,000 soldiers each in a commando unit, a counterterrorism support unit, or a task force over the execution of an arrest warrant for the incumbent president. If we meet at the first time and enforce the arrest warrant, the number of investigators executing the warrant was said to be 150 in the first round, but the number could increase a little more. However, as soon as a task force or commando enters the compound, additional legal controversy arises, and in the current atmosphere, lawmakers of the People's Power are very likely to run to the scene when the news of the execution of the warrant is known. Haven't more than 40 people already gathered in front of the residence a few days ago?

So, when lawmakers with various criminal prosecutions or immunity are on the ground, can the police pull lawmakers in groups of four in a live broadcast where the public is watching? I think it's impossible due to the sentiment of our country. And as you know in the Security Service, there is a special judicial police right. So, the police can't arrest only the bodyguards, but if you look at the security office now, the security office will illegally violate this security law and enter the official residence and use physical force, they will arrest the police. If each other comes forward to arrest each other, of course, there will be a physical conflict, but if something intensifies there, bloodshed can occur. I want to ask the Democratic Party. It can be said to "arrest the president," but why do you want him to shed blood if he encourages the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit or the police to do so? If there's bloodshed between state agencies in an enforcement conflict, that's where it becomes a civil war.

Can Rep. Lee Sung-yoon and these people who incite the civil war be responsible for the consequences? Now is not the time to confront each other by voicing only one-sided arguments, but rather to find ways to coordinate behind-the-scenes efforts to reach a third-way compromise on the principle of non-confinement investigation before the impeachment trial that the president wants and the investigation itself that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the investigative agency want. If you shoot, you should be shot. Be prepared to drag the coffin out. I think it's very dangerous to incite bloodshed in this way, this is inciting civil war.

[Park Sungmin]
But I think the president has already done things like cable hits and live ammunition, and even the defense has been able to arrest the police in the first round of arrest warrants. In fact, look at the shocking facts revealed by the police this time. It was pointed out that the Security Service actually abused the command system, so that even ordinary soldiers were mobilized to block the execution of this arrest warrant, and even the Secret Service's clerical staff were mobilized to block the execution of this arrest warrant. The security service refutes that this is not true, but if you look at the video that the police have already collected, it remains clear as evidence that ordinary soldiers who have to guard the outskirts of the residence have been mobilized to block the execution of the arrest warrant. So, instead of saying, "Are you encouraging bloodshed against the opposition party now?" Is it right to mobilize illegal activities to protect the president by mobilizing young people who joined the military to fulfill their defense obligations? Let me point out that the security service is actually going in this very inappropriate way to protect the president in spite of bloodshed.

[Anchor]
We will listen to one of our recordings, but there is a sharp conflict between the Democratic Party of Korea and President Yoon regarding the deployment of special police forces. There's a related recording. After listening to the story, we'll talk about the two of you again.

You and I talked about our concerns about the possibility of a physical armed conflict.Nevertheless, there are talks about mobilizing the task force or the mobilization of special forces, and one side argues that this is the civil war, what do you think about this?

[Jang Ye-chan]
The words that come out are heavy weapons and helicopters. I don't think it's right for politicians to keep pressuring the police command or collaboration while mentioning inappropriate words reminiscent of a very serious level of physical conflict or bloodshed. First of all, Lee Sang-sik of the Democratic Party of Korea, a former police officer. The ruling party is also strongly opposed to the fact that it has been talking to the officials of the National Assembly, acknowledging that it has spoken to them through social media posts he posted himself. It seems that it is by no means the right direction to continue to drive this kind of forced physical execution at a time when rumors of the Democratic Party and high-ranking police officials have been raised. What am I in such a hurry? The Constitutional Court has set the hearing date very quickly twice a week, and politicians predict that the final sentence for the president's impeachment trial is likely to be delivered in mid- or late February, not in March.

Then, after the judgment or the final judgment of the Constitutional Court, the president has no choice but to actively cooperate with the investigation, whether he wants it or not, whether it is dismissed or cited. However, there is a concern in the conservative camp that this kind of conflict continues and that arrest or detention before the Constitutional Court ruling has an overly symbolic effect on itself, and then neutralizes the Constitutional Court's judgment itself. Now most of those involved have been arrested or prosecuted, and there is no circumstantial evidence that can now be destroyed or matched.

Because all the people involved have been secured. If so, it is the majority party's job to calmly watch the impeachment proceedings of the Constitutional Court, which has about a month or two left, and promote stability in state affairs, but some kind of physical conflict like this. Realistically, would the bodyguard back off? at a time when the police have already expressed their position If so, I hope that the Democratic Party and the investigative agency will consider that such a conflict will have a negative impact on external credibility and the economy of the Republic of Korea.

[Anchor]
Recently, rumors have been raised that President Yoon Suk Yeol fled, mainly by the Democratic Party of Korea, but a person believed to be President Yoon Suk Yeol in the presidential residence was caught in a media company. His gait and physique are similar to those of Yoon Suk Yeol's president. It was pointed out like this, but if this is the president of Yoon Suk Yeol, did he mean it?

[Park Sungmin] You could say that he intended
. Because I think I must have made it clear that my actions can be exposed in any way from moment to moment when everyone is actually paying attention to the entire nation and the entire media are paying attention to the official residence. However, in this situation, showing yourself dispels the rumor of escape, and anyway, I'm healthy like this, and I'm still good like this. I think that's why I wanted to show you this side of me. I think it is very important in the current situation that the rule of law is not undermined as a result, whether it is alive or not. What I can't understand even for conservative politicians is, isn't it defending conservatives to shout so much about conservatives? But recently, Rep. Lee Chul-kyu, who was also a former police officer, met with the head of the local headquarters to think about the future and protected the bodyguard, right?

In the end, this can be seen as a kind of threatening statement that prevents the execution of arrest warrants that should be legally executed. So I think it's very deplorable to see that this kind of movement exists in the political world, and the president's display of his robustness may be trying to show his supporters, and he even sent a letter to his supporters, didn't he? So it can be seen as a movement with various intentions.

[Anchor]
Also, if you look at the indictment of military officials, including former Minister Kim Yong-hyun, there are many things that are contrary to President Yoon Suk Yeol's claims so far, so President Yoon even mentioned the possibility that his statement was contaminated.

[Jang Yechan]
In the case of former Special Forces commander Kwak Jong-geun, the Democratic Party even moved to protect him as a public interest informant in consultation with Democratic Party politicians. In the end, however, if you look at the contents of the indictment, it is confirmed that former Special Forces commander Kwak Jong-geun took the lead in giving strong instructions. In the end, in order to avoid responsibility after the lifting of the emergency martial law, it is possible to raise the question of whether the military or police command at the time moved to relieve their punishment and responsibility by making statements against the president that the Democratic Party wanted. President Yoon Suk Yeol said he only had practical discussions with former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun.

Then, in the course of former Minister Kim Yong-hyun's trial, since he has now been arrested and prosecuted, we have to check whether President Lee Yoon Suk Yeol's position is true or not through Kim's mouth and through the prosecution's counter-statements, and it is very dangerous to conclude that the statements of one side are just true now, and since I've been in politics for a long time, I often think of the four-character idiom "reverse governor." When we talk about the allegations of Chairman Lee Jae-myung or the statements of those involved, didn't the Democratic Party always emphasize the principle of presumption of innocence, saying that it was only a statement from one side?

If so, various issues about the incumbent president are also mixed, and the statements of both sides are still mixed. I would like to say that it is very hasty to confirm that the president ordered the remarks made by the military officials as one of the many possibilities when the prosecution or trial of President Yoon has not continued.

[Anchor]
Let me talk about the state of the National Assembly yesterday. Yesterday, a vote was held at the plenary session of the National Assembly on bills that had the right to request reconsideration, including the Bilateral Special Prosecutors Act, and all were rejected. In the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act, 198 votes were in favor. Kim Gun-hee's independent counsel law had 196 votes in favor of it. It was rejected by two and four votes, respectively, but the Democratic Party of Korea is starting to reissue the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act today. However, we decided to remove the provisions that were problematic in the power of the people and change them to a third-party recommendation method, so will the possibility of approval increase in the next vote?

[Park Sungmin]
I think it can be higher. In fact, I just needed two more votes to leave. But, of course, first of all, we should point out the appearance of the people's power not to pass even the independent counsel law against civil war, even though the situation is like this. Nevertheless, the Democratic Party of Korea believes that passing the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act is important anyway, and as a result, it seems that it will revise and supplement these parts, such as the method of recommending the special prosecutor, which has been a problem, or whether military secrets can leak out of briefing the media. So, I think this is a valid strategy, and even in the case of Joo Jin-woo, chairman of the legal committee, shouldn't we come up with our own special prosecution law? Given that there are some lawmakers who express a more forward-looking stance on the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act, if certain toxic clauses have been revised, there is actually no reason to reject them from the standpoint of the people's power. Despite the revision of the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act, it continues to reject, reject, and reject unconditionally without negotiating about it. If we continue to put forward such a rejection party, doesn't it mean that we will eventually defend the civil war that the Democratic Party of Korea is pointing out now? Isn't it that you're going to continue the civil war? I think I will take a forward-looking stance in the power of the people in order not to be politically self-confident because I am putting my energy on this point.

[Anchor]
How does former Supreme Council member Jang Ye-chan see the possibility of a departure vote?

[Jang Yechan]
First of all, Rep. Jung Sung-ho, who is a close aide to Lee Jae-myung, made a statement today to the effect that Kim Gun-hee's independent counsel law does not need to be reissued, and that we should focus on the revision of the special prosecution for civil war. There are even reports that the Supreme Court has now recommended it and that the opposition party will give up its right to veto it. If this is true, I think we should look back on why so many special prosecutors have been unable to recommend the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and delete the opposition party's right to veto. However, there seems to be room for negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties. Floor leader Kwon Sung-dong also said, "We will start discussing whether there is a negotiation process if we remove the unconstitutional toxic clause on the special prosecutor raised by various Democratic parties through closed general meetings or remarks by the emergency committee today."

That's a step further from total rejection. I think if negotiations are made between the ruling and opposition parties, the period of the investigation will be a little controversial during the negotiation process. Perhaps the ruling party will say that if the special prosecution begins at the end of February or mid-March after the impeachment trial is sentenced, the special prosecution's activities will not affect the impeachment trial, so the opposition party is quite impatient now. Since Lee Jae-myung wants to hold a presidential election before the second trial, the toxic clause pointed out by the ruling party has been resolved to some extent regarding the three-party recommendation and non-prosecution right. Then, it is expected that the remaining part of the negotiation will emerge as an issue in the ruling and opposition parties.

[Anchor]
I see. I'll stop listening to it. So far, I have been with Jang Ye-chan, the former Supreme Council member of the People's Power, and Park Sung-min, the former Supreme Council member of the Democratic Party of Korea. Thank you.